Arctic State of Affairs: Keynote speech by HR/VP Kaja Kallas at the 2026 Arctic Frontiers Conference

Arctic State of Affairs: Keynote speech by HR/VP Kaja Kallas at the 2026 Arctic Frontiers Conference

Dear Excellencies,
Dear colleagues,
Dear friends,

I am thrilled to be back in Tromsö! My first time here was as a teenager, just after Estonia had restored its independence and we could finally travel freely.

It was during our first trip to Finland that we discovered it was possible to drive up to the north, and nobody was asking any questions. And even cross the border to Norway, a NATO nation, imagine that.

And for me, being in the Soviet prison for so long a time, it really felt like freedom cubed!

I have to confess that we didn't have visas at the time. Espen knows the story well and has pardoned me already.

So I am very grateful to be here again - legally this time. And at a period of high stress for the High North.

Let me offer three observations from the EU perspective.

First, the Arctic is critical for transatlantic security. It will require more attention, more resources and-yes-more hard power.

Our initial European strategy on the Arctic, way back in 2008, focussed on climate, fisheries and research.

Today we have vibrant, active engagement across a wide range of areas:

• From promoting inclusive and sustainable development;
• to empowering Indigenous Peoples;
• fostering Arctic cooperation;
• supporting innovation and entrepreneurship;
• and enhancing civil protection capacities and capabilities.

But there is a missing dimension. A year after the EU adopted its latest Arctic Strategy in 2021, Russia - the largest Arctic nation - launched a full-scale war in Ukraine.

That war has increased tensions across Europe, but also in the Arctic.

Moscow has re-opened and modernised Soviet-era military bases in the High North. One of the world's largest concentrations of nuclear weapons is located on the Kola Peninsula, right across the Norwegian border.

The Arctic has also become a testing ground for Russian missiles. Europe must catch up with years of Russian military build-up in the region.

Here I want to thank Norway for its crucial contribution to European security in the High North. Next month's Cold Response exercise, with 25,000 troops training here in Norway, will send a clear and unmistakable message of resolve.

And this brings me to my second observation: the world has changed. And nowhere is this clearer than here in the Arctic.

Not since the golden age of Arctic exploration have so many papers, journals, articles, opinions been written about this region, including the growing competition for trade routes and resources. I will not repeat those challenges here, with the exception of one we cannot ignore.

And this is the radical change in U.S. thinking that marks a structural shift in transatlantic relations. Here in the High North you have felt this acutely in the few last weeks.

The EU understands that Greenland is strategically important for the United States. It is also strategically important to us in the EU. Nearby are key submarine lanes, beneath it are critical raw materials essential for the global economy. And the shortest flight path for ballistic missiles from Russia runs across the High North-this is recognised by all.

But let me be clear about where the EU is coming from:

• We recognise that the High North has been populated for thousands of years by the Indigenous Peoples of these lands. The Sami in Norway, Sweden and Finland. And the Inuit peoples of Greenland and beyond.
• We also believe in territorial integrity and internationally agreed borders.
• And we say clearly: Greenland belongs to its people.

Tensions are lower now than they were two weeks ago, when Foreign Minister Vivian (Motzfeldt) and I met in Brussels, together with Danish Defence Minister Troels Lund Poulsen. But there is still little clarity about what comes next or when the next dispute may arise.

So I will reiterate what I said then: the EU stands with Greenland, we stand with our Member State Denmark and we stand by the UN Charter. The future of Greenland is for the Greenlanders and Denmark to decide.

Dear friends,

All of this - the security challenges, the geopolitical shifts, the rapidly changing global order - leads me to my third observation: it is time for a fresh EU Arctic Policy, one that reflects the times we live in and the world we want to see, including a secure Arctic.

For the European Union, it is essential to ground this in strong partnerships.

In the Arctic this means close cooperation with Norway, Canada and Iceland with whom we already enjoy close ties and have - or will soon have in the case of Iceland - a Security and Defence Partnership.

NATO remains the cornerstone of security in Europe. But let's not forget that NATO and the EU have 23 members in common. And that today the European Union is heavily engaged in defence itself.

Our three Member States who are Arctic countries bear a special responsibility for driving our Arctic policy. In the same way those EU Member States who are also NATO Allies have a critical role in ensuring that the EU's security concerns are in line with those outlined by NATO. Including in the Arctic.

You know as well as I do that Arctic security is not defined through a military lens alone. It is also about resilient societies, about people building lives in an unpredictable environment, and about sustainable life.

A safe, secure, livable and prosperous Arctic is a global common good. It's up to us to make it happen. And that is what the EU will work for, together with, and in support of the Arctic nations. They can count on us. You can count on us.

Thank you.