Digital Press Briefing: Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy Sarah B. Rogers

MODERATOR: Greetings to everyone from the U.S. Department of State's London International Media Hub. I would like to welcome our participants dialing in from India, Nepal, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and around the world for this briefing with Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy Sarah B. Rogers. Under Secretary Rogers will discuss Freedom 250 and her recent travel, focused on advancing commercial diplomacy, cultural preservation, digital freedom, and innovation.

We will have 30 minutes for this briefing, which is on the record. We will have some opening remarks from our speaker and then she will take questions from participating journalists.

I will now turn it over to Under Secretary Rogers for her opening remarks. Ma'am, the floor is yours.

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: Thank you very much. Good afternoon, everyone, and thank you for being here. I'm pleased to join you today at the conclusion of a productive two-week journey across South and Central Asia, from New Delhi to Kathmandu, Samarkand and Tashkent to Ashgabat. This trip has reinforced what was already clear. The United States has extraordinary partners in this region, and the potential for deeper cooperation has never been greater.

Across all four stops, three priorities guided every conversation and every engagement I had, and those priorities were commercial diplomacy, cultural preservation, and connectivity via digital freedom and innovation.

On commercial diplomacy, In India, I joined Ambassador Gor at IIT New Delhi to highlight the TRUST - and that's an acronym for Transforming the Relationship Utilizing Strategic Technology, the TRUST Initiative. That's our partnership with India and trusted technology AI and the critical and emerging technologies.

In Nepal, I delivered a keynote address at the Ascent Summit, which convened mountaineers, sherpas, outdoor tech companies, and dignitaries and performers to celebrate 250 years of American outdoorsmanship and adventure sports milestones, including and especially at Mount Everest. I spoke about the spirit of curiosity and courage that drives Americans to conquer frontiers, mountainous and otherwise, and gives us a special connection to the Himalayas. I also met with American Chamber of Commerce members and senior government officials to advance the $550 million U.S. investment through a Millennium Challenge Corporation compact and discussed the investment climate reforms that will unlock U.S. business opportunities in Nepal.

In Uzbekistan, I signed a joint statement kicking off a new Fulbright program focused on critical minerals and energy. That's a concrete example of a partner ready to invest alongside the United States.

And here in Turkmenistan, I judged Shark Tank pitches from young entrepreneurs who'd participated in our C5+O.N.E. program. C5 obviously is Central Asia, and the O.N.E. stands for Opening Networks through English. And it's one of our efforts to build a network in Central Asia of professionals educated and equipped to engage with U.S. businesses. It is a great commercial diplomacy asset.

On cultural preservation, The United States is proud to invest in the heritage and cultural sovereignty of our partners. In Nepal, I toured 7, U.S. Ambassadors Fund for Cultural Preservation sites at Patan Durbar Square, where descendants of original artisans were actually trained to restore what was lost in a 2015 earthquake, a testament to resilience, craftsmanship, and shared commitment. And I posted a Twitter thread with some great images from that trip that people should feel free to check out.

In Uzbekistan, I dedicated the largest AFCP project in Central Asia at the iconic Registan Square in Samarkand, where I had the honor of signing and placing a restorative tile alongside our Uzbek partners in one of the most restored mosaics.

And here in Turkmenistan, I visited the state museum to see the restoration of a 5th century Buddha head, a project made possible through a remarkable partnership between the AFCP and the Getty Museum. I also visited with some of Turkmenistan's prized Akhal-Teke horses, which are recognized by UNESCO as part of humanity's cultural heritage. I even got to ride one. And I judged the first-ever American college-style debate here at the American Center in Ashgabat, Turkmenistan.

Regarding connectivity and digital freedom, from Kathmandu to Ashgabat, I carried a consistent message: Open information ecosystems and free speech aren't just humanitarian values; they are keystones of economic growth and innovation. I met with media representatives and content creators in both Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, and I was struck by their creativity, their courage, and their appetite for the tools and freedoms that allow independent voices to thrive.

At the American Center here in Ashgabat, which provides the only free, unrestricted public internet access in the entire country of Turkmenistan, I had the privilege of watching young people debate ideas with confidence and conviction. I also had the honor of co-hosting the first ever C5+1 Culture Ministerial in Uzbekistan, bringing together the ministers of culture from all five Central Asian nations. And there I was pleased to announce two deliverables from the United States. The first was a new international visitors leadership exchange program for museum professionals. These Central Asian countries have some of the world's greatest cultural heritage, these ancient sites from the Silk Road, and so engaging with their museum professionals on antiquities preservation is a great line of effort for us. And the second collaboration I announced was multilateral. It was across the entire C5+1, and it is a collaboration platform on border control with regard to the trafficking of antiquities and other cross-border crime.

So this C5+1 ministerial gathering, and indeed this entire trip, reflected President Trump's commitment to deepening United States engagement in this region, building on his historic hosting of the C5 heads of state and on Secretary Rubio's recent visit to India. The United States is not just present in South and Central Asia. We are invested in the people, the partnerships, and the shared future we are building together. Thank you. I would now be happy to take your questions.

MODERATOR: Thank you, Under Secretary Rogers. Our first question is a pre-submitted question, and it comes from Sonam Jelly of the Arunachal Pioneer, who asks: "Do we need media censorship, and what are the challenges in social media censorship?"

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: Thank you very much for the question. So I come from an American First Amendment perspective, and I think the best way to define censorship is when a centralized power, especially the government, suppresses or punishes speech. And the censorship is most acute when the government suppresses or punishes speech based on the viewpoint of that speech.

Now, ss an American - and not just as an American lawyer, but as an American who's grown up and thrived under the protections of the First Amendment - I don't think that any country needs censorship. And in fact, I think we're all much better without it. In fact, a lot of American innovation traces to our tradition of free speech and free enterprise - both. If technology could not crawl the entire internet and interact with books that have been written across time, for example, the large language models that are revolutionizing the world now could not have been created. American freedom is why those models were created in America. And indeed, all technological innovation rests on the ability to challenge established understandings as well as remix and recombine ideas. Those are central to free speech.

Now, I think what the question might really be getting at is, Should there be some rules of the road online? And I think Americans clearly agree that there should, but those rules need not consist of censorship. They need not consist of the suppression or punishment of ideas by the government.

Now, if you want examples of the United States adopting some rules of the road, I think a good one is the TAKE IT DOWN Act, championed by our First Lady Melania Trump, which gives tailored take-down rights to victims of deepfakes and other non-consensual intimate imagery. Now, this is an example of - this remediates a type of harm that existed offline. So if someone punished fake nude photos of you, you could always sue that person for defamation. But the problem proliferates in new ways online, and so we've given the victims new tools.

I hope that addresses the question. I think censorship, no, but at the same time, the protections that exist offline should exist online. And those aren't protections from dangerous ideas, but protections from dangerous and antisocial conduct, sure.

MODERATOR: Thank you, Under Secretary Rogers. We'll next go to a question from the live queue, to Farruh Yusupov of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Farruh, please go ahead and ask your question.

QUESTION: Thank you, Under Secretary Rogers, for this opportunity. If I may, I have two questions. I'm from Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. During last month's visit to Washington, D.C. by Turkmenistan Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov, during the meeting with him, Secretary of State Marco Rubio expressed strong support for diversifying Turkmenistan's natural gas exports through trans-Caspian routes. What does that support manifest in? Is it political support, economic, or security guarantees? That's the first question. And -

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: So I think - so let me answer, let me answer that question. So the United States wants - the keystone of our foreign policy is that we want to be safe, strong, and prosperous, and we want our partners, including in the C5+1, to be safe, strong, and prosperous too. Now, Turkmenistan has the world's fourth largest reserves of natural gas, and I think we want the best for Turkmenistan in terms of developing and exporting those.

The specific development of that pipeline has not been within the scope of my engagements on this visit, but I would refer to Secretary Rubio's remarks on that.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We'll try to get to as many questions as possible, so if journalists would kindly ask one question. And next we will go to a pre-submitted question from Meghna Mittal of Moneycontrol, who asks: "What is one concrete outcome you hope to achieve from this India visit?"

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: So Sergio Gor and I spoke together at IIT Delhi on this TRUST Initiative. And I think this is one of many concrete deliverables that advance some of our really important strategic interests in the region. India is one of our trusted partners on things like quantum computing and supply chains, and I think that is an example of a concrete implementation of Trump Administration priorities in South and Central Asia.

Now, another concrete outcome is deepening engagement with the Quad. And on the heels of Secretary Rubio's successful Quad meetings, days later, I actually visited with some of our exchange participants in the Quad framework to talk about - to talk about fiber optic cables and other kind of critical technological initiatives in the region. So that was another concrete step that we took.

MODERATOR: Thank you very much. We'll next go to a question submitted in the chat, and it's from Kamal dev Bhattarai from the Annapurna Express, who asks: "It seems that the United States is no longer promoting freedom of speech, expression, and press freedom in other countries. Why is the United States not giving this a priority while dealing with South Asian countries?"

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: So I actually couldn't agree^[2] more with the premise of that question. I think we've promoted free speech in other countries quite aggressively. In fact, I personally have been at the front lines of some of those engagements, although I can by no means take exclusive credit for it, and have drawn some flak. And I'm proud to do that. Fighting for freedom is something Americans do quite well. It's something we've done for 250 years.

Now, if the question is why would someone who stands for free speech visit Central Asia, I think the answer is found in the Trump Administration's willingness - its quite productive willingness, by the way - to do deals with anyone and transact with anyone on mutually beneficial terms. America First has never meant America alone. And just because some of these Central Asian countries lack the exact same history and tradition of free speech that America does, doesn't mean that I can't carry that flag or advance those values while here.

I am broadcasting live from the American Center in Ashgabat. This is the only place in the entire country of Turkmenistan where Turkmen citizens have free public access to uncensored internet. They have it because of America. And I couldn't be prouder to be an American here representing this initiative. And the government knows that we're offering this and the government is supportive. And one reason is that we've extended a lot of programming out of this America Center that has advanced bilateral goals as shared by the United States and Turkmenistan.

When you come to these Central Asian countries, you have to remember - people like to say that America is a young country, and we are a young government compared to, for example, Western Europe. We've been around 250 years. These Central Asian countries lived under the boot of the USSR and the KGB into the '90s, like into our lifetime. And so they're still emerging. But I think what I'm optimistic about based on my engagements here, including with very high-level government officials, is that this is a country that sees openness as an aspiration. And I can tell you I have met with young Turkmen entrepreneurs in Uzbekistan too, by the way, entrepreneurs and students who interact enthusiastically with American technology. They know Claude by name. I watched them - I watched them engage in, like, an American-style debate and I watched them invoke things like the iPhone and the Marshall Plan, and I watched them argue about American history.

And so I think the instincts that make free speech function so well in America are present here too. And I fundamentally reject the premise that caring about free speech means I can only visit countries that have a First Amendment because, quite frankly, that would restrict my travel to basically the continental^[1] U.S.

MODERATOR: Thank you. We'll next take a question from the live queue, and we'll go to Shouvik Das from Mint. Shouvik, please go ahead and ask your question.

QUESTION: Thank you. Madam Under Secretary, a quick question on your upcoming visit to India. Of course, India is one of the largest markets for some of America's big technology companies, and the United States is also one of the largest developers of foundational technologies. Would the United States Government look at the possibility of a collaborative policy framework with India where both the countries benefit mutually from their capabilities? India, of course, has a vibrant ecosystem of young startups building exciting technologies, and the United States is a mature market for technology as well. Is a collaborative policy framework possible as part of ongoing discussions and bilaterals or any other premise? Thank you.

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: So I think there are already several lines of collaboration between the U.S. and India on tech, because you're absolutely right. I mean, India is a giant tech market, and we've seen a lot of productive symbiosis between American and Indian companies and entrepreneurs. And one line of collaboration that I actually mentioned in my opening remarks, the TRUST Initiative, is a great example. And I think we're seeing productive collaboration through the Quad as well. And I am confident that there will be future productive lines of collaboration on tech too.

MODERATOR: Next we'll take a question from the Q&A, and we'll go to Ishwar Dev Khanal from Khabarhub, who asks: "In the era of widespread misinformation, how can public diplomacy strengthen trust and meaningful people-to-people connections between countries?"

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: I love that question. So we are in a new communications era. The invention of mobile local social media, followed closely by the invention of AI, has changed how reason - how humans reason, it's changed how we transact, and it's changed how we communicate about as seismically as the invention of the telegraph or the film strip or the printing press. And whenever communications technology changes so fundamentally, institutions have to reexamine themselves, and there is a temptation to censor, and there's often a crisis of legitimacy or authority when communications become disintermediated and the popular rabble can speak in ways that they couldn't formerly speak. I think those are only some of the trends that we are seeing now.

Now, the imperative to push back on false speech, on adversarial propaganda operations, and to tell, in this case, America's story - to tell the truth - is not a new one. It's an old one. And we are just fighting an old battle on a new battlefield. I think, though, that some of the technological tools that have - the same - some of the same tools that have made it possible to generate images and video in ways that didn't exist before have also made it possible to give people access to the truth in new ways.

An exciting development I've seen is the rollout on some American social media platforms, both X and Meta platforms, of interactive LLM chatbots from whom users can seek fact-check type information. And these things aren't panaceas, but early social science is already showing us that when people interact with AI, their political views become less radical. And I think, again, this isn't a full-scale solution, but it is an encouraging data point. I think we innovate - we tackle challenges best when we innovate through them instead of trying to put innovation back in a bottle.

So I think that's one kind of productive trend that we're seeing. I also think that, look, institutions lost public trust, especially in the West during the COVID era, and it is the job of people like me who are in positions of institutional authority and do institutional advocacy - it is our job to win the trust of the public back. I try to do that through candor and transparency and by not trying to place a thumb on the scale of what people are allowed to say, especially not in the United States where the First Amendment prohibits me from doing that.

MODERATOR: We'll next go to a question from the live queue to Azaz Syed of Geo News. Azaz, please go ahead and ask your question.

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: I can't hear him talking.

QUESTION: Yeah. I think - can you hear now?

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: Oh, now I can hear you. Sorry, yes.

QUESTION: Yeah. Yeah. First of all, Under Secretary, congratulations for your wonderful visit to the countries India, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, and Nepal. I just want to know that there is also an issue of internet shutdown in some part of authority in states, and you know that democracy is unfortunately not a popular way of government. It is dying; there's a big debate that democracy is dying in this environment. So what is the solution for reviving democracy, (a), and also for the freedom of expression? Are - is America considering some rules of - rules for the states that they shouldn't bring down or shut down the internet?

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: So look, I think - I agree with what I think is one of the premises of your question, which is that you can't have self-governance without freedom of speech. That is - that is how democracy functions, is that you can bring any idea to the public square and you can try to persuade your fellow citizens instead of, for example, picking up a pitchfork or trying to overthrow the government. And that is why I truly believe freedom of speech has been core to American self-governance for the last 250 years.

Now is America considering remedies against countries that shut down the internet? I think America's policy responses to these kinds of crises vary based on so many factors, but I can tell you that one clean sort of positions America has taken is that regardless of what countries do with their own sovereign internet, you don't get to sensor the speech of Americans on American soil, on American platforms. That is - that is a line that we've drawn.

Now, with respect to countries regulating the internet internally, I think our position is the First Amendment is a great cultural asset for us, and if everybody adopted the First Amendment tomorrow, my personal idiosyncratic view is that humanity would be better off for it, but America's policy position on - with respect to different decisions by different counties really depends on so many factors. It depends on how Americans' speech is affected, how American tech firms are affected, and how other strategic national security interests are affected.

I will say, again, coming from a First Amendment heritage, I would encourage countries to allow their citizens freedom of speech. I think it's better for democracy when they do. And sitting here celebrating our 250th, I reflect every day on how grateful I am that America allows that.

MODERATOR: We'll take another question from the live queue, and we'll go to Georgiy Aslanyan from Turkmenportal Media. Georgiy, please go ahead and ask your question.

QUESTION: Thank you, Under Secretary. AI is currently developing rapidly across the world now, and Turkmenistan is no exception. The country is planning to advance AI development and negotiations are underway with foreign companies regarding the construction of data centers. Are United States companies ready to cooperate in this field? Which companies might be involved and what are the specific prospects for such cooperation?

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: Thank you for the question. So I can't speak on behalf of any particular company on any particular potential transaction, but what I will say is that in my broad experience American tech companies are very eager to build and to collaborate, and American smart money sees AI as the future. So across Central Asia, I think AI and data centers have come up in almost every conversation I've had, including with high-level ministers in every single country, and it's exciting that that's happening because this technology is going to transform how we do business, it's going to transform education - I think for the better. I can tell you that interacting with both youth and entrepreneurs, I've seen the benefits of AI and so I'm encouraged that Turkmenistan is interested in this technology and I'm not surprised that they are. Because I think this government wants technology and prosperity. And generally speaking, when a country wants technology and prosperity, American companies stand ready to deliver it.

MODERATOR: We have time for one or two more questions. Next we'll take a pre-submitted question from Dovran Orazgylyjov of Atavatan Media, who asks: "Does the U.S. Government see opportunities to expand educational cooperation through new programs, scholarships, exchange initiatives, or university partnerships with Turkmenistan?"

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: Absolutely, we do. And in fact, on this visit, I discussed a partnership that's in the works right now between Kent State University - which is an American institution of higher education - and Turkmenistan, offering an MBA program, a joint MBA program. And that's just one of many examples. I can tell you that outside Turkmenistan, but in other stops on this trip, when I was in Uzbekistan, I kicked off a new Fulbright program, a master's program in critical minerals. And that's a great example of how educational diplomacy and exchanges can advance real hard-power strategic priorities like critical mineral supply chains. When I was in India and Nepal, I worked on some similar initiatives. So there are dozens of opportunities, and I think I'm very optimistic to see what the next few months bring.

MODERATOR: Thank you very much. We have time for one more question. So we'll take one from the live queue, from Junaid Khan from 365 News. Junaid, please go ahead and ask your question.

QUESTION: Thank you. Ms. Rogers, can you hear me?

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: I can hear you.

QUESTION: Ma'am, the question is that as a commerce reporter and a student of history, my question is that while copying (inaudible) upon the cumulative stance of the United States, the United States has remained always a proponent and one of the trailblazers of free market economy, trade liberalization, and democracy. However, in the current regime, we are witnessing that the democracy, as well as the free market economy, is fading away and it is taking place by protectionism that was happening during the era of Alexander Hamilton. So while looking upon the public diplomacy, how do you sustain your relationship with Pakistan, India, Central Asian countries, especially when it comes to Pakistan, as I belong from there? Pakistan has always remained one of the best allies of the United States. And in the current era, we are witnessing that Pakistan is mediating the ceasefire deal between Iran, Israel, and United States.

MODERATOR: I'm sorry to interrupt, but I think we heard your first question, and Under Secretary Rogers -

QUESTION: (Off-mike.)

MR PIGOTT: I don't - I don't have much time left, but I do want to answer that question. Look, I couldn't agree more that America has historically been a beacon of free enterprise and self-governance. And the fact that you're able to assert that we have somehow become otherwise is actually a testament to the free media that we enjoy, which is a great thing, but obviously both assertions are hogwash.

Now, with respect to tariffs, tariffs have been outside the scope of my engagements here, but what I will say is that America's allies historically often tariffed American goods. So the idea that that would be antithetical to an alliance, I think, is belied by history. Now, we've had very productive negotiations over the duration of this administration, and I'm sure we'll have many more, but America remains committed to capitalism. And I have to say that on my engagements in South and Central Asia, I think that the energy and the prosperity generated by American companies and American businesses and the American economy - and by this Trump Administration - have really driven a deepening partnership.

And you can see that. You can see that in the energy of the entrepreneurs that approach us. You can see that in the deals that we struck in the deal zone at the C5+1 conference last fall. So things are - the outlook is quite sunny, actually, and so I couldn't be happier to be in this region at this time on behalf of this government.

MODERATOR: And that concludes today's call. I would like to thank Under Secretary Rogers for joining us, and I would like to thank all of our journalists for participating. If you have any questions about today's call, you may contact the London International Media Hub at [email protected].

UNDER SECRETARY ROGERS: Thank you, everybody.

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[2] disagree. _{[back to 2]}