Ranking Member Shaheen Opening Remarks at Hearing on Reforming the UN: Assessing U.S. Efforts and Priorities

WASHINGTON - Today, U.S. Senator Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH), Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, delivered opening remarks at a full committee hearing, "Reforming the UN: Assessing U.S. Efforts and Priorities." In her remarks, Ranking Member Shaheen questioned the Trump Administration's alienation of U.S. allies, America's disengagement at the United Nations subsequently strengthening China's influence and the Trump Administration's alignment with adversaries on key votes, including important foreign policy issues such as Ukraine.

You can watch her opening remarks here.

"From World War II through the Cold War, our major successes have come through broad, multilateral coalitions because alliances multiply American power," said Ranking Member Shaheen. "But, unfortunately, instead of working with NATO allies like France, Germany and the United Kingdom, the Administration has been criticizing them for refusing to join the U.S. effort in the Strait of Hormuz. As a result, we are now operating without shared burden, political cover or international legitimacy."

Ranking Member Shaheen highlighted the United States' disengagement at the United Nations and votes obstructing UN resolutions on issues like women's rights.

"The United States is becoming increasingly isolated from our partners in multilateral forums," said Ranking Member Shaheen. "We are supporting resolutions, but we are not leading outcomes. We vote for UN action, but we are not leading a sustained diplomatic effort to end, for example, the war in Sudan as it enters its third year. We are now voting against resolutions on gender, human rights, development and climate that have previously passed by consensus. For example, in the recent vote on the annual conclusions of the UN's Commission on the Status of Women-a document that sets out recommendations to protect women's rights and expand economic and political opportunities for women-only the United States. And I am going to say that one more time: only the United States voted against it. That kind of isolation has consequences."

The Ranking Member also questioned the United States' votes against resolutions to reaffirm Ukraine's sovereignty and efforts to undermine international support for Ukraine.

"In February, on the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion, the United States abstained from a General Assembly resolution reaffirming Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity," said Ranking Member Shaheen. "That resolution passed 107 to 12, as I am sure you know. More concerning, the United States advanced a proposal to strip out that language. And although that effort failed, it was supported by Russia, Hungary and Belarus. Just weeks later, the United States opposed a resolution warning that attacks on Ukraine's energy grid threaten nuclear safety. A resolution backed by our allies across Europe, as well as partners like Canada and Australia. However, the United States joined Russia and China in opposing it."

Finally, Ranking Member Shaheen warned that as the United States retreats from the UN, China's influence in the multilateral system grows, to the detrimental disadvantage of the U.S. foreign policy and the American people.

"I just returned from a bipartisan delegation to Taiwan, Japan and South Korea," said Ranking Member Shaheen. "What we heard consistently is that as the United States pulls back, China is stepping in more aggressively. We see that dynamic at the United Nations. China is now the second-largest contributor to the UN budget and the largest troop contributor among the permanent members of the Security Council. Over the past decade, the number of Chinese personnel in the UN system has doubled, while U.S. representation has declined. And Beijing is using this to shape outcomes and to advance its priorities."

The Ranking Member's remarks, as delivered, are below.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and welcome Ambassador Waltz and Ambassador Bartos. We are delighted to have you before the Committee.

The war in Iran and the struggle over the Strait of Hormuz underscores a basic point: American power is strongest when we are exercising it with allies.

From World War II through the Cold War, our major successes have come through broad, multilateral coalitions because alliances multiply American power.

But, unfortunately, instead of working with NATO allies like France, Germany and the United Kingdom, the Administration has been criticizing them for refusing to join the U.S. effort in the Strait of Hormuz. As a result, we are now operating without shared burden, political cover or international legitimacy.

That is reflected in how the United States is voting at the United Nations, both in substance and in who we are lining up with. Increasingly, the United States is voting with Russia, China, Belarus and North Korea.

In February, on the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion, the United States abstained from a General Assembly resolution reaffirming Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. That resolution passed 107 to 12, as I am sure you know.

More concerning, the United States advanced a proposal to strip out that language. And although that effort failed, it was supported by Russia, Hungary and Belarus.

Just weeks later, the United States opposed a resolution warning that attacks on Ukraine's energy grid threaten nuclear safety. A resolution backed by our allies across Europe, as well as partners like Canada and Australia. However, the United States joined Russia and China in opposing it.

And sadly, it is not just limited to Ukraine. The United States is becoming increasingly isolated from our partners in multilateral forums. We are supporting resolutions, but we are not leading outcomes. We vote for UN action, but we are not leading a sustained diplomatic effort to end, for example, the war in Sudan as it enters its third year.

We are now voting against resolutions on gender, human rights, development and climate that have previously passed by consensus. For example, in the recent vote on the annual conclusions of the UN's Commission on the Status of Women-a document that sets out recommendations to protect women's rights and expand economic and political opportunities for women-only the United States. And I am going to say that one more time: only the United States voted against it. That kind of isolation has consequences.

We have withdrawn from international organizations and, in some cases, stopped paying our dues to the United Nations. Congress has made clear on a bipartisan basis that the United States should stay engaged. And our allies are watching whether or not we do.

I just returned from a bipartisan delegation to Taiwan, Japan and South Korea. What we heard consistently is that as the United States pulls back, China is stepping in more aggressively.

We see that dynamic at the United Nations. China is now the second-largest contributor to the UN budget and the largest troop contributor among the permanent members of the Security Council. Over the past decade, the number of Chinese personnel in the UN system has doubled, while U.S. representation has declined. And Beijing is using this to shape outcomes and to advance its priorities.

So, I am not clear about what the strategy is here. I do not understand how alienating our allies, stepping back at the UN, aligning with adversaries on key votes advances U.S. interests?

I know both of you understand these dynamics. I appreciate what you are doing at the UN and your efforts for reform. I think all of us believe that the UN should be more effective and efficient, but I just do not understand some of these moves and I do not see how they help the United States.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

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