Opening remarks by HRVP Kaja Kallas for the Structured Dialogue on the Commission Work Programme with the European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs

PRINT

Opening remarks by HRVP Kaja Kallas for the Structured Dialogue on the Commission Work Programme with the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs

17.03.2026 EEAS Press Team

Dear Chair,

Honourable Members of the Committee,

There is a connection between Russia's illegal war against Ukraine and the ongoing crisis in the Middle East.

Both are products of the erosion of international law. Without any accountability, judicial or political, war will engulf the world once again.

The way the crisis in the Middle East is unfolding already bares characteristics of this worst-case scenario in many ways.

First, its geographic reach.

In addition to the U.S., Israel and Iran, the Gulf countries and Jordan have been struck repeatedly by Iranian bombs and drones. Türkiye and Azerbaijan have been tried. Lebanon and Iraq have now been pulled in. Pakistan is also in a very difficult situation with a mutual defence pact with Saudi Arabia while it fights a war with Afghanistan. Our own Member State Cyprus has been hit.

Second, its wide-reaching economic impact.

Hormuz is a chokepoint for global trade. As we all know from the news, shipping through the Strait of Hormuz dropped by roughly 70 percent in the first days of the war.

The impact on energy prices is acute. This was discussed yesterday in the Energy Council and it will be at the centre of discussions at the European Council this week.

But the impact of a blocked Hormuz Strait is truly worldwide.

The U.S. and Europe import a minimal amount of energy through Hormuz. Around 80% of oil and LNG goes to Asia. Some regions will suffer more than others because of this war.

Think about African countries dependent on energy but also fertilisers. For example, around 54% of Sudan's fertilisers come via the Strait of Hormuz. A lack of fertilizer this year means famine next year.

It also has an impact on semiconductor plants in Taiwan or on farms in Brazil.

So it really has a global impact.

Protecting freedom of navigation is now at the top of the global agenda and must be reinstated in the Strait of Hormuz. Everyone is looking at how to address the situation. Just yesterday we had the meeting with EU Foreign Ministers and discussed our active mission - ASPIDES - off the Arabian Peninsula. We discussed what kind of role this mission could play.

In the immediate term, besides the energy sector, there are many aspects that I am dealing with on a daily basis.

There are 1.3 million European citizens living in the region. My first priority is their safety.

Last week the first fully EU-funded flights under RescEU departed from a conflict situation. Our Delegations have coordinated over 70 national flights to get our citizens home.

At least 30 thousand have now been repatriated with Member States' assistance. The demand is now slowing down. This is good, but we must continue to support those who wish to leave the region. The solidarity of the European Union means leaving no one behind.

Then there is the spillover to Ukraine. The longer the war continues in the Middle East, the more Ukraine suffers.

Russia is already making money off the war in the Middle East. With higher oil prices and the Strait of Hormuz closed, they can continue the war for much longer. With the aim of bringing the price of oil down, the decision of the United States to relieve sanctions on Russian oil could not have come at a worse time for Ukraine.

Europe must mitigate Russia's increased energy profits by upping our own pressure through sanctions and by breaking Moscow's shadow fleet. Our inability to reach an agreement on the 20^th sanctions package or on the support loan for Ukraine puts the security of the entire European Union at risk. These issues must be resolved when European leaders meet this week. Otherwise we will have an own goal here.

Iran is waging war on the world. It's gameplan couldn't be clearer: raise the price of escalation to build pressure for de-escalation.

But there are no signs of this war slowing down or that there is an exit strategy. This is as true in the Middle East as it is for Russia's war of aggression on Ukraine.

As we are doing for Ukraine, we must do everything we can to manage the current situation while pushing for a diplomatic conclusion. Europe's security depends on it, but so does the world. We must work with our partners in the region to figure out a way to make proposals to the U.S., Israel and Iran on ways to stop this war.

Honourable Members,

While we handle the fallout from the two biggest crises the world has faced in recent history, Europeans must remain laser-focused on our own security. Our ability to shape the emerging world order, to defend a rules-based international order and prevent the anarchy that is inevitable without order, depends entirely on our strength.

This starts with our defence of Ukraine and how we manage the aftermath of the war. For example, setting up the Special Tribunal for Ukraine is an urgent priority. We know from our long experience in conflict mediation that justice is the key for lasting peace.

But our security has many dimensions from economic security to preparedness, from technological autonomy to defence related issues, to the impact of security in different global regions.

Take the Arctic for example, that has really been at the centre of a crisis some months ago. As Arctic ice melts, there is a growing risk that Russia and China will keep increasing their presence. This year we will come forward with an updated Arctic Strategy to address the growing security risks in the region.

On broader European security, together with President von der Leyen, our goal is to bring all the elements together under a new and comprehensive approach later this year.

This should respond to the rapidly changing strategic context that the EU now faces. The main question is simple: How do we safeguard our core values and interests, and protect our citizens?

This will be based on an updated Joint Threat Analysis. This is now being compiled by our European intelligence centre - INTCEN - based on input from national intelligence services. It should be ready by the end of April.

Yesterday we also had a first informal discussion with Foreign Ministers of the European Union on this. It is essential that this effort enjoys buy-in from Member States.

Honourable Members,

A stronger Europe depends on our bolstering partnerships with third countries.

Today Europe has much more to offer its partners than ever before. When I go around the globe, I see this wish for Europe everywhere. Yesterday, we had a discussion with India's Foreign. We have a new Security and Defence Partnership with India.

The fundamental principle here is that Europe sticks by its friends.

Take the Gulf as an example:

• We were in close contact immediately when the attacks happened. I convened a meeting of the GCC ministerial meeting to discuss the situation and come out with a joint statement.

• Some of our Member States immediately answered the call to increase air defence support to the Gulf states.

• We are working also to bring the knowledge of Ukraine regarding drone interceptors and the needs of the Gulf together to boost the European and Ukrainian defence industry.

Our commitment to our partners is why the European Union is also building up defence and security with others. I mentioned India already. All together we have agreements with 9 countries in Europe, Asia and North America. I will sign one with Iceland tomorrow. And there are many other interested countries knocking at our door.

What also sets Europe apart from others are our values.

In the face of brutish power politics, Europe has no need to distinguish between values and interests, I really, truly believe that our values are our interests. That is why defending our values must always characterise our work with partners.

Take humanitarian aid for example.

When Lebanon came under attack last week, we quickly tapped into our emergency aid reserves to make aid available for 130,000 people. The first deliveries arrived last week.

Especially in this current climate, especially now, the EU must remain a strong advocate and champion of international humanitarian law and humanitarian aid. That is also why we will be working this year on making collective humanitarian action faster and more effective in times of crisis.

Finally, we invest in partnerships because they also strengthen Europe's endurance as a global force for good. Which brings me to where I began:

• The damage that the war in the Middle East and Russia's war in Europe are doing to the international order;

• The fact that both wars have taken the world closer to a third world war than we have been in 80 years.

The more we can rally others behind working collectively to address collective challenges, the greater chance we have to overcome these forces seeking to bend the world to their will.

This only confirms what we already know: that the vast majority of the world seeks stability and the predictability that a rules-based order provides. That is what the European Union works toward with our partners. This will be the message I will bring to New York when I address the Security Council in April. It will also be the message you will hear this week when UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres joins us at the European Council.

Honourable Members,

This is not the time to question ourselves. This is not a call for Europe to rethink our personality, our priorities, or our ambition for a peaceful world governed by strong international norms and rules.

If there is one message to take home today it is this: now is the time to stand strong for what we believe in, including international law, to defend our Union, to build stability in our neighbourhood and to work on establishing the broadest network of international partners.

The world is counting on us.

Thank you.