An Unnecessary Territorial Dispute in the Amazon: Colombia’s Petro Focuses on the Wrong Threats

Commentary by Wilder Alejandro Sánchez

Published August 26, 2025

Colombia faces several challenges. The assassination of presidential candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay and two deadly attacks on August 21 are stark reminders that violence in the South American country continues. Unfortunately, rather than focus on present dangers, President Gustavo Petro has chosen to start a verbal fight with Peru, his country's historical ally.

A Remote Location Ideal for Crime

The reason for the dispute, if it can be called that, has to do with Isla Chinería, an island in the Amazon River precisely located at the tri-border between Peru, Colombia, and Brazil. Isla Chinería is part of the Mariscal Ramón Castilla province, Loreto region. In 2024, the Peruvian Congress created a Santa Rosa district, which includes the island. President Petro claims Peru has annexed the island, without recognizing the Salomón-Lozano Treaty signed in 1922, or the 1934 Rio Protocol. The real culprit, ironically, is the Amazon River itself, the world's longest river; also known for its strong flow (caudaloso, roughly translated to mighty and fast flowing, is a synonym typically used to describe the Amazon). As many journalistic articles have explained, satellite imagery of the region shows that the river's flow naturally divides Isla Chinería into two parts, but has subsequently unified the island again. The now unified Isla Chinería has a total population of around three thousand Peruvians, who have lived there for over a century.

It is impossible to overestimate just how distant this area is from the capital cities. Utilizing a map helps explain the situation. The area we are referring to is at the very extreme edge of Peru's Loreto region, Colombia's Amazonas department, and Brazil's Amazonas state. The area is populated on all three borders: Isla Chinería on Peru's side, Leticia on the Colombian side, and Tabatinga city in Brazil. The residents from the three cities trade with each other, and Peruvian students go to the neighboring cities to study. In research for this Commentary, I could not find evidence of violence between these three neighboring communities, which highlights how President Petro is attempting to start an unnecessary fight.

Peru and Colombia share 116 kilometers of the Amazon River, which serves as a natural border, and which commences right in the tri-border region: Leticia is Colombia's biggest city in the region. Suppose Leticia's future in relation to its connection with the Amazon River is the primary concern for the current Colombian presidency. In that case, there are better ways to address this issue than claiming a neighbor's territory.

Historically, all Amazonian states have failed to assign sufficient assets, including law enforcement and military, to adequately patrol the border regions or bring development, investment, and state services to the communities and isolated towns that live in this vast region. Back in 2014, the Colombian daily El Espectador wrote an article about the island, calling it "tierra de nadie?" or "nobody's land?" The author explained that "in practice, it is assumed that the island is Peruvian . . . However, institutional weakness (common in these border areas) and the difficulty in exercising permanent control have turned this island . . . into a hub for drug trafficking." This statement cuts to the crux of the matter. Border control along the porous Amazonian rainforest is problematic. In an interview with the Peruvian media, Army General (Ret.) José María Herrera Rosas, a former director of Peru's National Geographic Institute, similarly highlighted that the inhabitants of Isla Chinería survive by working in commerce and agriculture, as well as "smuggling and other illicit activities because there are no other opportunities" for further development.

Generally speaking, the Colombian-Peruvian border is ripe for transnational crimes, and Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) narco-insurgents operate in the area. This past May, the Peruvian military had a firefight with FARC insurgents along the Yaguas River, Putumayo province in the Loreto region, not far from the border with Colombia. One insurgent was neutralized.

The Consequences of Petro's Ambitions

Thankfully, the incident has not gone beyond a diplomatic verbal spat. There were a couple of nonviolent incidents, including Daniel Quintero, former mayor of Medellin and a presidential candidate, who raised the Colombian flag on Isla Chinería. Peruvian authorities then removed it without incident. Two Colombian surveyors who were carrying out studies without authorization in Isla Chinería were also detained by Peruvian authorities and subsequently expelled.

Additionally, mandatory military posturing was also necessary. The Peruvian government complained that a Colombian Air Force Super Tucano warplane flew over Peruvian territory without authorization. The Peruvian army and navy also deployed riverine vessels and some troops to the region.

After receiving some major international media coverage, including articles in the New York Times and BBC, the verbal joust appears to have calmed down once again. The Colombian and Peruvian media have moved on to other issues. The armed forces of both countries are also focused on real dangers: Colombia's minister of defense, Pedro Sánchez Suárez, has announced the deployment of a rapid reaction battalion to the Córdoba department in November. For those unfamiliar with Colombia's political map, Córdoba is closer to Panama than it is to Peru. Additional riverine craft will be deployed to reinforce the Cesar department, which borders Venezuela, to combat crimes there. FARC's recent deadly operations will likely dominate headlines for the near future. As previously mentioned on August 21, an explosion close to air base Marco Fidel Suárez in Cali left 6 dead and over 60 injured, while a police helicopter that exploded in Antioquia (apparently the result of a drone attack, but this information has not been confirmed) resulted in the deaths of 13 police personnel.

The situation in Peruvian territory is not any better, as massive military and law enforcement operations continue in the Valley of the Apurímac, Ene, and Mantaro rivers, in Southern Peru, to crack down on drug trafficking.

Bogotá-Lima Defense Relations

Peru and Colombia have historically close relations. The two countries had a short-lived war almost a century ago, the Leticia Conflict in 1932-1933, curiously in the same general region where the recent verbal jousting took place. Since then, bilateral relations have remained generally strong. Defense is one area where the armed forces of both countries have become even more united. When President Petro's declarations occurred, the Colombian and Peruvian navies, alongside the Marinha do Brasil, were carrying out the annual joint riverine maneuvers, called BRACOLPER. As I have written for the Center for International Maritime Security, BRACOLPER is perhaps the world's oldest multinational riverine military exercise; it celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in 2024 and serves as a strong confidence-building mechanism.

The Amazon is a problematic area to monitor to crack down on transnational crimes. Hence, it is critically important for regional governments and militaries to work together, rather than fight. Also, just days before President Petro's declarations, senior officers from the armies of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru met in the Colombian city of Puerto Leguízamo, Putumayo department, to discuss intelligence cooperation to combat trans-border crimes. Cooperation is what is needed in the Amazon, not a regional head of state looking for a fight. Perhaps in what could be viewed as breaking ranks with Petro, Defense Minister Sánchez himself has called for diplomacy rather than supporting territorial ambitions against a historical ally. During the same event in which President Petro called for annexing the island, the defense minister called for strengthening links with neighboring Brazil and Peru; "diplomacy is the language of [brotherly nations]. The only threat here is the criminals . . . which [affects] both nations."

With that said, in his comments, the minister also noted, "few countries in the world have access to the Amazon River. Leticia cannot lose access to the river or it could lose its people." This much is true: The changing flow of the Amazon River will affect access to the river by the Colombian population in Leticia. However, it is an exaggeration that Colombia would lose all access to the Amazon. If anything, Petro's unnecessary and provocative territorial claims should jumpstart a bilateral or trilateral project by the three nations to bring development to the triple border and ensure that Colombia's Leticia does not suffer from natural river flow changes.

Bringing Development, Not War, to Tierra de Nadie

One positive consequence of this unnecessary diplomatic incident is that hopefully, all governments will provide more assistance to the inhabitants of the tri-border area. For example, the Peruvian Ministry of Housing, Construction, and Sanitation has provided over 345 property titles to the residents of the Santa Rosa district, where the island in debate is located. While the decision is undoubtedly related to the two countries' territorial claims, having a property title will also help residents finally have some certainty and ownership of where they live.

The last interstate conflict in Latin America was three decades ago, the 1995 war between Ecuador and Peru. There have been other tensions, including Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro's provocative threats towards Guyana's Essequibo region, and territorial border disputes that have gone to the International Court of Justice, including a dispute between Colombia and Nicaragua and between Belize and Guatemala. Maduro's threats notwithstanding, Latin American governments overwhelmingly prefer diplomacy to armed conflict. Hopefully, the current diplomatic issue commenced by President Petro will not escalate. The populations of Colombia and Peru are historical friends, and their armed forces continuously work together to combat transnational crimes. Neither country needs a war started by a head of state who is seeking to regain popularity as presidential elections are scheduled for next year.

Lima and Bogotá will reportedly have a meeting of their foreign affairs ministers in September to discuss the border issue. Dialogue is important, and hopefully, no unnecessary aggressive statements by either government will be made. The terrible recent loss of life in Cali and Antioquia reminds us of the internal security challenges the Republic of Colombia continues to face. President Petro must revisit his priorities: starting a fight with a historical partner and friend while the security situation at home deteriorates is not the right way to lead.

Wilder Alejandro Sánchez is a senior associate (non-resident) with the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.

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