Speech by the Federal Chancellor at the Munich Security Conference on 13. February 2026 in Munich

Wolfgang Ischinger,

Markus Söder,

Esteemed colleagues from governments and parliaments,

Excellencies,

Honoured guests,

Ladies and gentlemen,

I have attended the Munich Security Conference for more than 30 years now - with one or two interruptions. The Munich Security Conference has always been a seismograph of the political situation. In its early years, it was a seismograph for relations between the US and Europe, and for many years now it has been a seismograph for the entire international political situation. In years past, I came here primarily to cultivate relations with our US friends, but also to meet new players in foreign and security policy from many countries around the world.

For several years now, the mood here in this room has been characterised by increasing tensions and conflicts around the world. At the latest since Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine four years ago, we entered a new phase of open warfare and conflict that has kept us on alert and is changing our world more profoundly than we here in this room would have thought possible over the course of so many years prior to that. Against this backdrop, Wolfgang Ischinger, it was important to me to open the conference today. After all, we need to talk to each other, and more urgently than ever.

But before we do so, allow me, on behalf of the Federal Government, to thank Wolfgang Ischinger for once again taking on the role of conference chairman this year. Thank you very much for your work, Wolfgang, especially this year.

This conference has a sombre title: Under Destruction. This title appears to suggest that the international order, which was based on rights and rules, is in the process of being destroyed. - I fear we must put this even more bluntly: this order, as imperfect as it was even at the best of times, no longer exists.

And what about us, Europe? - Well, Europe, as Peter Sloterdijk wrote a few weeks ago, has just returned from a long vacation from world history. Together, we have crossed the threshold into an era that is once again openly characterised by power and, above all, great power politics.

First and foremost, there is Russia's violent revisionism, a brutal war against Ukraine, against our political order, with the most severe war crimes being committed on a daily basis. But this is only the most glaring expression that we see each and every day. We are witnessing other developments around the world that are different from those we have often discussed here in this room in recent years and decades. China has the ambition to shape global affairs, laying the foundations for this over many years with strategic patience. In the foreseeable future, Beijing could draw level with the US in terms of military might. China is systematically exploiting the dependencies of others, reinterpreting the international order on its own terms.

If there was a unipolar moment in history after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it has long gone. In any case, the United States' claim to leadership is being challenged, perhaps even forfeited.

However, the return to power politics cannot be explained solely by the rivalry between large states. Ladies and gentlemen, it is also a reflection of restless, turbulent societies undergoing great upheaval. It is an expression of the longing, also in many democratic states, for strong leadership in a world in which even democratically constituted states are reaching the limits of their capacity to act. Great power politics, it seems, provides strong, simple answers, at least for the great powers and at least for the time being. Disillusioned, great power politics is turning away from a world whose increasing interconnectedness was translated into the juridification and pacification of relations between states. Great power politics operates according to its own rules. It is fast-paced, tough and often unpredictable. It fears dependencies of its own. But it utilises the dependencies of others and, if need be, takes advantage of them. The focus shifts to the struggle for spheres of influence, dependencies and allegiances. Raw materials, technologies and supply chains become instruments of power in the zero-sum game of the great powers. This is a dangerous game, firstly for small countries, but, down the line, probably also for the big ones.

Our friends in the US are adjusting to this at a rapid pace. They have recognised their own need to catch up with China. They have drawn radical conclusions in their National Security Strategy. They are doing this in a way that does not put the brakes on this trend, but rather accelerates it.

We Europeans are also taking precautions - precautions for this new era. In so doing, we are arriving at different conclusions than the administration in Washington, for example.

Our first task today, our task as Europeans and, of course, as Germans, is to acknowledge this new reality. That does not mean that we simply accept it as preordained. We are not at the mercy of this world. We can shape it. I have no doubt that we will preserve our interests and our values in this world, at least if we act decisively, together and with confidence in our own strength. We will thus weather the storm and preserve our freedom. We will open new doors, seize new opportunities and, if we play our cards right, even emerge stronger from this test.

Ladies and gentlemen, let's be realistic. We should first reflect on our goals and then on our options. - The major goals of Germany's foreign and security policy are derived from our Basic Law, our history and our geography. Our freedom is paramount here. Our security makes this freedom possible, and our economic strength serves this freedom. Our Basic Law, history and geography require us always to think of our goals with Europe in mind. This orientation is in line with our interests. It is the only way to open up the best opportunities for our country. Germany's foreign and security policy in particular is anchored in Europe. This Europe is more valuable than ever today. We are now realigning the way we pursue our goals with our own capabilities in mind.

Let me be frank: measured by its resources, Germany's foreign policy in recent decades has had - let me put it this way - something of a normative surplus. With the best of intentions, it has criticised violations of the international order around the world. It has often admonished, demanded or reprimanded. But it was not concerned enough about the fact that the means to remedy the situation were often lacking. This gap between aspiration and capability has become too wide. We are working to close it. Only in this way can we do better justice to reality.

Let's therefore be accountable for our own capabilities. A brief spotlight: Russia's gross domestic product currently stands at around two trillion euro. The European Union's GDP is almost ten times higher than that. And yet Europe today is not ten times stronger than Russia. Our military, political, economic and technological potential is enormous. But we are still far from exploiting it to the necessary extent.

The most important thing now is therefore as follows: we must change our mindset. - We have realised that, in the era of great powers, our freedom is no longer a given. It is under threat. It will take determination and willpower to assert this freedom. This will require us to be prepared for change, for transformation and, yes, even for sacrifice - not at some point in the future, but now.

For important reasons, we in Germany do not take state power lightly. Since 1945, it has been firmly enshrined in our mindset that we must contain this power. - Let me add that not only does too much state power destroy the foundation of our freedom, but too little state power leads to the same result via a different route. - This question has a profoundly European dimension. Fifteen years ago, Radek Sikorski issued the following clear warning with respect to Germany, and I quote: "I fear German power less than German inaction." - This, too, is part of our responsibility, which stems from our Basic Law, history and geography. We accept this responsibility.

To this end, we need a strategy that resolves a clear dilemma. The reorganisation of the world by major powers is happening faster and more profoundly than we are able to strengthen ourselves. For this reason alone, I am not convinced by the sometimes overly knee-jerk calls for Europe to write off the US as a partner. Ladies and gentlemen, I understand the unease and doubts expressed by such demands. I even share a number of them. And yet these calls have not been fully thought through. They simply ignore the harsh geopolitical realities in Europe and underestimate the potential that our partnership with the US continues to offer, in spite of all the difficulties.

It will therefore not be enough to respond to the manoeuvres and whims of the great powers with - ideally - clever rhetoric. We are setting our own agenda in these challenging times. We are reflecting on our own role. This agenda is still taking shape. How could it be otherwise? And yet its implementation is in full swing. We are leveraging the pressure we have come under to create something new and, hopefully, something good.

Power politics in Europe is not an option for Germany, however. Leadership in a spirit of partnership, yes; hegemonic fantasies, no. Never again will we Germans go it alone. That is the abiding lesson from our history. We are asserting our freedom with our neighbours - and only with our neighbours, our allies and our partners. We are building on our strength, our sovereignty and our capacity for mutual solidarity in Europe. We are doing this with principled realism.

My friends, ladies and gentlemen, this programme of freedom comprises four points.

Firstly, we are strengthening ourselves militarily, politically, economically and technologically.

We are thus reducing our dependencies and our vulnerability. Our greatest priority is strengthening Europe within NATO. We are investing heavily in credible deterrence.

You will recall that Germany has amended its constitution. At the NATO summit in The Hague last June, all of the Allies - almost all of the Allies - committed to investing five percent of their GDP in security in the future. Germany alone will invest several hundred billion euro over the next few years.

We are supporting Ukraine in its courageous resistance to Russian imperialism. We are doing so diplomatically, politically and economically, but we are also doing so militarily, of course. Incidentally, Germany and Europe have been providing the most important leadership in this area for over a year now. We have exacted unprecedented losses and costs on Moscow. If Moscow finally agrees to peace, it will be partly thanks to this. This is an expression of European self-assertion.

We have started major conventional procurement projects in air defence, deep precision strikes and satellite technology. We are breathing new life into our defence industry and will open new plants, create new jobs and develop new technologies. The Bavarian Minister President said that a cluster of highly innovative defence tech companies is booming in the Munich region, for example. These firms are developing disruptive technologies, in some cases working closely with Ukraine.

Defence Minister, the reform of our military service has begun. If necessary, we will readjust it.

We are strengthening NATO's eastern flank, with our brigade in Lithuania being set up to this end - the first time in the history of the Bundeswehr that an entire large formation will be based outside our own territory.

We will ensure greater security in the High North. The provision of the first German Eurofighters has been announced, and more will follow.

As I have often said, and reiterate here, we will make the Bundeswehr the strongest conventional army in Europe as soon as possible - an army that can resist if it has to.

At the same time, we are making our society and economy more resilient. We are laying the groundwork for new laws to make our grids and critical infrastructure more resistant against hybrid attacks. We are forging resilient supply chains and reducing unilateral dependencies on raw materials, key products and technologies. We are protecting our free democratic fundamental order against its internal and external enemies. Among other things, we will strengthen our intelligence services.

In this new world, competition policy is security policy and vice versa. Both foster our freedom. That is precisely why we want to be drivers of progress in the technologies of the future. Artificial intelligence will play a key role in this.

Secondly, we are strengthening Europe.

A sovereign Europe is our best response to this new era. Uniting and strengthening Europe is our paramount task today.

Our Europe must focus here on the essentials, on preserving and increasing our freedom, security and competitiveness. We need to end the proliferation of European bureaucracy and regulations. We cannot allow European standards to bind us in shackles that paralyse and hinder us in competition. These standards must highlight our strengths. They must inspire innovation and entrepreneurship, stimulate investments and reward creativity. Europe must not withdraw into a position of risk avoidance. Europe needs to create opportunities and unleash the energy to get things done.

Ursula von der Leyen, we discussed these matters in depth yesterday with the European Heads of State and Government, and are now developing a joint roadmap for a strong and sovereign Europe on the basis of our talks. Europe must become a factor in global policy, with its own security strategy.

As a reminder and also for those who are not aware of it, in Article 42 of the Treaty on European Union, we undertake to aid and assist one another in the case of armed aggression in Europe. We now need to spell out how we are going to organise this at European level - not as a substitute for NATO, but rather as a strong, self-sustaining pillar within the Alliance.

I have held preliminary talks on European nuclear deterrence with French President Emmanuel Macron. Ladies and gentlemen, for the record, we are adhering to our legal obligations here. We are thinking of nuclear deterrence strictly embedded in our nuclear sharing within NATO and will not allow zones of differing security levels to develop in Europe.

The European defence industry must finally bring its strengths to the street. That is why we will organise the three S's - standardisation, scaling and simplification of arms systems - to a greater extent at European level. In this way, we will raise truly enormous potential.

We will translate this strength into a joint external position that will include our strategic partners. Strong trade policy forms part of this. The EU-Mercosur agreement negotiated between the European Union and four Latin American countries is to be applied provisionally. That is the correct decision by the European Commission. The free trade agreement with India has been finalised. Further agreements will - and must - follow without delay.

At diplomatic level, we are currently managing to square the circle in Europe. This is also becoming tangible in our endeavours for peace in Ukraine. Where we need to be agile, we are working in small groups, in the E3, that is, Germany, France and the UK, but also with Italy and Poland as key European players. We know that we only have lasting success when we have the other European countries on board. We are doing this, and there is no other way for us Germans. We are the heart of Europe. If Europe is torn apart, Germany will be torn apart, too.

But I also urge our partners to see the great importance of the current moment and to join us in paving the way for a strong and sovereign Europe.

Thirdly, we want to establish a new transatlantic partnership.

Allow me to start with an uncomfortable truth: a chasm, a deep rift, has opened between Europe and the United States. Vice President J.D. Vance said so here in Munich a year ago. His description was correct.

The MAGA movement's culture war is not one we share. Freedom of expression ends here in Germany when words oppose human dignity and the Basic Law. And we do not believe in tariffs and protectionism, but rather in free trade. We adhere to climate agreements and the World Health Organization because we firmly believe that we will only be able to tackle global tasks by working together.

The transatlantic partnership has apparently ceased to be a matter of course - first in the United States, then also here in Europe, and presumably also here in this room.

Ladies and gentlemen, if our partnership is to have a future, then we need to reestablish it in a dual way and to do so tangibly, not esoterically. On both sides of the Atlantic, we need to come to the conclusion that we are stronger together. We Europeans know the enormous value of the trust on which NATO is based.

In an era of great powers, the US will also need this trust. Even the US reaches the limits of its own power when it goes it alone. At any rate, this seems to be clear to the strategists in the Pentagon. NATO is not only our competitive advantage, my dear American friends, it is also your competitive advantage.

(Let me paraphrase this for our American friends in English.) For three generations, trust amongst Allies, partners and friends has made NATO the strongest alliance of all times. Europe knows deeply how precious this is. In an era of great power rivalry, even the United States will not be powerful enough to go it alone. Dear friends, being a part of NATO is not only Europe's competitive advantage, it is also the United States' competitive advantage. So let's repair and revive transatlantic trust together. We, the Europeans, we are doing our part.

I would like to revisit a sentence by Wolfgang Ischinger: autocracies may have followers, but democracies have partners and allies.

By the way, this sentence also holds true for us Europeans. A true ally takes their obligations seriously. No one forced us into the disproportionate dependence on the United States in which we recently found ourselves. This immaturity was our own fault. However, we are now leaving it behind, and preferably today rather than tomorrow.

We are not doing this by writing NATO off, but rather by establishing a strong, self-sustaining European pillar in the Alliance in our own interest.

Ladies and gentlemen, this new departure is right under all circumstances. It is right for the case that the United States distances itself further. It is right for as long as we are unable to ensure our security on our own. And ultimately, it is also right as regards reestablishing a healthier transatlantic partnership.

I suspect that our opinions will differ more often in the future than they did in the past. We will have to negotiate on the right way more often and perhaps even argue about it. If we do this with new strength, new respect and self-respect, it will be of benefit to both sides.

By the way, I felt something of this spirit in the talks we conducted on Greenland in recent weeks. In particular, I would like to address Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, who knows that she can count on unconditional European solidarity.

Fourthly, and last but not least, we are building on a strong network of global partnerships.

No matter how important European integration and the transatlantic partnership will remain for us, they will no longer be enough to preserve our freedom. Partnership is not an absolute term here. A partnership does not require total agreement on all values and interests. That is one of the lessons of these days, weeks and months.

We are growing closer to new partners, with whom we do not share all concerns, but with whom we have important concerns in common. This prevents dependencies and risks, while also opening up options and opportunities for both sides. It protects our freedom.

Canada, Japan, Turkey, India, Brazil, as well as South Africa, the Gulf states and other countries will play a key role here. We want to have closer relations with these countries in a spirit of mutual respect and with a view to the long term.

We share the fundamental interest in a political order in which we can trust agreements, in which we are able to overcome global problems together, and most importantly, in which we resolve conflicts with each other peacefully.

We share the experience that international law and international organisations foster our sovereignty, independence and freedom.

We Germans know that a world in which only power counts would be a dark place. In the 20^th century, our country took that path to its bitter and evil end.

Today we take a different and better path.

Our greatest strength remains our ability to build partnerships, alliances and organisations that are based on law and rules, founded on respect and trust, and believe in the power of freedom.

After 1945, it was our American friends in particular who whetted us Germans' appetite for this strong and shining idea. We will not forget what you did for us. On this foundation, NATO became the strongest political alliance of all time.

We remain loyal to this idea. With all our strength and passion, with decency and solidarity, and with creativity and courage, we carry this idea forth into our new era so that this era becomes a good one, ladies and gentlemen, rather than a dark one - a good era for ourselves, but above all for the generation of our children and grandchildren, who are counting on us to do the right thing in these days and weeks. We are determined to do so.

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