Unveiling Change: How Mahsa Amini’s Death Transformed Iran’s Feminist Movement

• Analysis
  by Hamideh Saberi

Introduction

This research investigates the significant cultural transformations in Iran linked to the Zhina movement from a socio-historical perspective, encapsulated by the slogan "Women, Life, Freedom." Triggered by the tragic death of Mahsa "Zhina" Amini on September 16, 2022, the movement challenges entrenched religious and cultural taboos, fostering key cultural changes, including heightened visibility of women's agency, emerging demands for representation in public and political spheres, and a shift in attitudes toward female leadership.

Since the 1979 revolution, the journey for Iranian women has been fraught with challenges. In the pursuit of religious revival, their legal status and social standing have suffered significant setbacks.¹ However, from the moment the Islamic regime came to power, a distinct cultural current emerged, indicating that women would become the primary opposition to this regime.² Despite facing systemic repression, expressions of resistance-manifested through demonstrations, public civil disobedience, fashion, music, and dance-have often been obscured by the regime's hegemony, which has systematically suppressed diverse forms of dissent across society.³

Interestingly, women have engaged in organic efforts to change their circumstances, employing creative forms of resistance. As Anna Doyle Wheeler (1785-1848), a philosopher, socialist, and feminist, posited, women may appear powerless in society; however, they possess the potential to effect profound change by influencing collective consciousness through their direct relationships with those around them. In this way, they can break the chains of oppression.⁴

Recent women's movements in the Middle East, particularly in Iran, illustrate that women have been successful in challenging the religious patriarchal system. Today, especially after the Zhina movement, the general understanding of women's agency has changed significantly. Women's rights and empowerment have emerged as essential topics in the discourse on democracy in the Middle East, particularly in Iran. Insights from prominent women's rights advocates, such as Farzaneh Milani and Mona Eltahawy, underscore the necessity of recognizing women's rights as fundamental to achieving broader democratic goals.⁵

Additionally, I conducted a public survey on Clubhouse, attended by approximately 600 participants, where I posed the following question: "Considering that Iranian women have selflessly served their country despite enduring significant discrimination and their contributions often being overlooked, would you support a woman as the future leader of Iran, particularly given the current challenges we face?"

On June 17, 2022, this question was formally presented, resulting in 250 participants expressing their willingness to vote. The findings indicated that 168 individuals endorsed the idea of female leadership, marking a significant step toward recognizing the potential of women in Iran's socio-political landscape. This result underscores substantial public sentiment in favor of women's leadership roles and highlights the movement's impact on societal expectations.⁶

While acknowledging the limitations of social media as a research tool, this study emphasizes its role in facilitating youth engagement with the global community within the context of a theocratic regime like Iran.

The 12-Day War and the Rise of the Third Voice: Iranian Women Resisting Patriarchal Binaries

The recent 12-day conflict between Iran and Israel has once again exposed the multiple faces of patriarchy that shape Iranian women's lives. Amid rising militarization and political polarization, Iranian women activists have voiced a powerful third position: one that opposes both war and authoritarian rule. As Nobel laureate Narges Mohammadi noted, patriarchal power-whether religious, imperial, or nationalist-thrives on the silencing of civil society. In moments of crisis, patriarchal systems often present society with a false binary: the choice between religious authoritarianism and secular or imperial patriarchal alternatives. Against this manipulation, Iranian women have spoken loud and clear, paving their own emancipatory path as the third voice. Their stance was encapsulated in the feminist hashtag campaign #IAmTheThirdVoice, which gained traction as a bold rejection of both state violence and patriarchal nationalism.

This feminist voice refuses to be co-opted by actors like Reza Pahlavi, whose calls for regime change through foreign intervention echo longstanding masculinist and imperial strategies of domination. Instead, the third voice advocates for peace, democracy, and gender justice rooted in grassroots civil society. Numerous Iranian women's associations and activists have publicly issued statements in support of this position, affirming a collective feminist refusal to be silenced or instrumentalized by either side. In doing so, they challenge the very logic of patriarchal dualism and assert a transformative vision for Iran's future, one grounded not in domination, but in liberation.

Gender and Power: Analyzing Patriarchal Systems in Iran

The patriarchal system in Iran can be understood through both religious and secular lenses, with each exerting control over women's lives in both private and public spheres.⁷ Although these patriarchal systems may compete for power, they converge in their opposition to women's rights.⁸ The definition of patriarchy varies across societies, shaped by distinct cultural, educational, social, and political contexts. In Iran, patriarchy is rooted in Shia Islam, which, particularly following the establishment of the Islamic Republic, has influenced not only the legal system but also the country's prevailing values and norms.⁹

The Shia religious framework has historically impacted the educational system, which shapes gender identity and roles,¹⁰ enabling the regime to indoctrinate at least one generation, particularly during a time when access to social media was limited. Consequently, the patriarchal system, underpinned by Shia beliefs, is manifest in both public and private spheres. Publicly, women have faced numerous restrictions imposed after the 1979 revolution,¹¹ while privately, as Evan Stark, a prominent scholar, explains, they are often monitored and controlled by male guardians such as fathers, brothers, and other male relatives.¹²

Despite enduring challenges, women have consistently resisted the patriarchal system in both public and private spheres. However, much of this resistance has often been solitary, which has limited its potential for generating substantial change. Nevertheless, these individual acts of defiance have fostered connections among women, enhancing awareness of shared struggles and collective dissatisfaction with their circumstances.¹³ This heightened awareness has enabled the organization of civil movements within Iran. Notably, the Campaign for One Million Signatures represents an innovative initiative by Iranian feminists that employs human rights discourses within an Islamic framework to reform family law and combat discriminatory practices against women. The campaign was officially launched on August 28, 2006.¹⁴

Moreover, activists involved in the campaign have faced arrests for collecting signatures in support of the petition, convening meetings, and contributing to the campaign's website. As of now, 44 members of the Campaign remain incarcerated for alleged violations related to their peaceful advocacy for women's rights.

It is also important to note that the patriarchal system has succeeded in extending its hegemony beyond Iran's borders. For an extended period, the oppression faced by Iranian women has been framed as a cultural choice in international discourse, leading to the marginalization of their resistance and sacrifices in the quest for freedom on the global stage.¹⁵

Iranian Feminist Empowerment

This section examines the cultural transformations initiated by the Zhina movement, particularly regarding the dismantling of taboos surrounding women's agency and the advocacy for female leadership within Iran's socio-political context.

The Zhina movement represents a pivotal moment in Iran, challenging entrenched religious hegemony and patriarchal norms that have historically marginalized women.¹⁶ The increasing visibility of women's agency is evidenced by a growing public demand for their inclusion in decision-making processes. This research will draw on interviews with activists and scholarly insights to provide a comprehensive understanding of the movement's implications.

We are witnessing a historic moment in which women are striving to secure their rights, informed by their historical experiences not only in Iran but throughout the Middle East. Mona Eltahawy, an Egyptian-American feminist, identifies the marginalization of women as a significant factor in the failure of the Egyptian revolution.¹⁷ Similarly, Jamileh Nedaie, a prominent theater actress from the second Pahlavi era and the wife of renowned Iranian cinema director Bijan Mofid, argues in the interview that avoiding women's political perspectives during both the Constitutional era and the Pahlavi era has heightened awareness within the Iranian women's movement. This historical context has fostered a revolutionary feminist movement in Iran, with one of its primary demands being equal rights in all areas, including political representation.

In an interview with Nahid Husseini, a university professor and activist for political and women's rights since the second Pahlavi era, she emphasized the significant efforts of Iranian women individuals and organizations, including the Women's Independence and Sustainable Equality (WISE) and the Stop Honoring Campaign, to achieve comprehensive equitable representation. Husseini, alongside Resvan Moghadam, a prominent activist and initiator of the One Million Signature Campaign, has repeatedly stressed that "equal" means 50 percent representation.¹⁸ She further noted that in countries like those in Northern Europe, where women's situations are more favorable, one of the key reasons is the prominent presence of women in high-ranking political roles.

This shift in perceptions regarding women's agency was not confined to active secular women alone. A defining characteristic of the Zhina movement has been its capacity to encompass women from diverse social strata and with a broad spectrum of ideological orientations, including both secular and religious perspectives. At the Conference on the "The pivotal Role of Women in the Future of Iran", held on September 14, 2024, in Barcelona-an event attended by over 100 women human rights advocates from around the world-Sedigheh Vasmaghi, an Iranian lawyer, Islamic scholar, author, and academic, participated remotely from Iran. As a Muslim woman who chose to forgo her hijab, Vasmqi emphasized that women have reached a decisive and irreversible turning point within patriarchal structures. This development signifies a rupture in long-standing systemic barriers-an irreversible break in the metaphorical bridge that historically constrained women's agency. She highlighted that women's heightened awareness of their rights, coupled with their growing political consciousness, has catalyzed a profound transformation in their capacity to challenge and transcend entrenched patriarchal limitations during this pivotal period of social and political change. Recently, Vasmaghi published a book titled "Why I Rebelled against the Hijab" issued by Asu Publishing. In her preface, she articulates:

"I am writing this book to illuminate how women have endured and lived under the governance of the Islamic Republic. My aim is to ensure that future generations and our descendants recognize the collective sacrifices-marked by suffering and bloodshed-that underpin our achievements. With a precise understanding of discrimination and injustice, we must persistently resist and challenge these systemic oppressions." ¹⁹

Moreover, the Zhina movement exemplifies a significant convergence of women from diverse social classes across Iran, fostering unity and solidarity within the broader women's movement.

The Zhina movement has been identified by numerous scholars, including Mehrdad Darvishopour, as one of the first feminist revolutions in the world,²⁰ empowering The Zhina movement has been identified by numerous scholars, including Mehrdad Darvishopour, as one of the first feminist revolutions in the world, empowering Iranian women activists to unite and assert their uncompromising demands for equality. This time, they aim to ensure that their aspirations are not minimized under the guise of other priorities. Support from feminists worldwide has significantly nurtured the Iranian women's movement. Initially, there was considerable resistance from the Iranian secular patriarchal system to recognize this movement as representative of Iranian women. Notably, Amir Taheri, a journalist and political scholar, publicly stated that this revolution should not be labeled as feminist, reflecting fears of women demanding equal power. However, such efforts to undermine the movement have largely been unsuccessful, met with substantial resistance from Iranian women and global feminist solidarity. The Nobel Prize awarded to Narges Mohammadi represents a significant challenge to two distinct groups: the Islamic regime itself, and those patriarchal secular opposition forces who, while opposing the Islamic Regime, still maintain patriarchal values that resist women's full empowerment and equality.

Conclusion

The Zhina movement can be characterized as a pivotal moment for alleviating cultural pressure in Iran. To illustrate this concept, we can liken it to a dam subjected to immense strain from the river behind it. Over time, this pressure has caused small leaks to form in the dam; however, these leaks have consistently been sealed by systemic repression. Those in control of the dam have failed to recognize that the accumulating pressure poses a significant threat to the entire structure. The Zhina movement serves as a powerful expression of the anger and frustration of Iranian women who have long endured religious oppression. Ultimately, these women broke through the dam, transcending negotiations and limitations, which resulted in substantial damage to the entrenched religious patriarchal system. This watershed moment signifies not only a crisis for the existing order but also an opportunity for profound cultural transformation, suggesting a reconfiguration of power dynamics and a reevaluation of women's roles in society.

1. Valentine m. Moghadam, "Women in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Legal Status, Social Positions, and Collective Action", presented at the conference "Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead", Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars, November 16-17, 2004.
2. Parvin Paidar, Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran, Cambridge University Press, 1995.
3. Roksana Bahramitash and Eric Hooglund, (Eds.), Gender in Contemporary Iran: Pushing the Boundaries, New York: Routledge, 2011.
4. Anna Wheeler Doyle , Rights of Women (1829), in «The British Co-operator», 1830, vol. 1, pp. 4-15.
5. Hamideh Saberi, "Iranian Women in the Transition Period" Asre Nou, July 9, 2022.
6. All recorded documents related to this survey are maintained in my personal archive. The meeting has been recorded and archived for future reference.
7. Hamideh Sedghi, Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling, Cambridge University Press, 276-277
8. Hamideh Saberi, "The Pahlavi Dynasty and Secular Patriarchal System", Rahavard, A Persian Journal of Iranian Studies, No.145, Winter 2024.
9. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, "Muslim Women's Quest for Equality: Between Islamic Law and Feminism", Critical Inquiry 32, no. 4, summer 2006, 630-640. See also the documentary directed by Mir-Hosseini and Kim Longinotto, Divorce Iranian Style, London, 1998. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yYaRb070r8E
10. Hamideh Saberi, "The (Hidden) Iranian Women in History", Rahavard, A Persian Journal of Iranian Studies, No.143, Summer 2023.
11. See Nazanin Shahrokni, Women in Place: The Politics of Gender Segregation in Iran, California: University of California Press, 2020, which provides an in-depth analysis of the various forms of public segregation in transportation, parks, beaches, stadiums, sports, and other spaces.
12. Evan Stark, Coercive Control: How Men Entrap Women in Personal Life, New York: Oxford University Press, 2007, 205. See also Hamideh Saberi, "Iran's Women Enduring 'Coercive Control' During COVID-19", Rahavard, A Persian Journal of Iranian Studies, No. 142, in the spring of 2023.
13. Masoumeh Alinejad-Qomi launched a campaign on the social media platform Facebook titled "My Stealthy Freedom" or "Stealthy Freedoms of Iranian Women." In this initiative, Alinejad invited Iranian women to share photographs of themselves without a hijab. The campaign rapidly garnered support from hundreds of thousands of followers on Facebook. Initially, many women were hesitant to show their faces in their images or videos, but over time, they gained confidence and began to reveal their identities. For a comprehensive account, see also Masih Alinejad, The Wind in My Hair: My Fight for Freedom in Modern Iran, London: Virago, 2018
14. Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani, Iranian Women's One Million Signatures Campaign for Equality: The Inside Story, Foreword by Mahnaz Afkhami, Syracuse University Press, 2010.
15. Western politicians have often accepted the regime's narrative that the hijab is an essential aspect of Iranian culture. Consequently, during their visits to Iran, they inadvertently support and legitimize the regime's policies toward women. For instance, Federica Mogherini, Cornelia Ernst (Member of the European Parliament), and Gabriela Cuevas Barron (President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union) wore hijabs, thereby endorsing the regime's enforced policy and overlooking the global movement of Iranian women protesting against it. This context highlights why one of the slogans of the Zina movement was "Hijab not my culture, not my choice, be my voice, be my voice," aimed at challenging the regime's portrayal of the hijab as a cultural choice for Iranian women.
16. Eliz Sanasarian, The Women's Rights Movement in Iran: Uprising, Decline, and Suppression from 1901 to the 1979 Revolution, Translated by Noushin Ahmadi Khorasani, Tehran: Akhtaran Publishing, 2005.
17. Mona Eltahawy, Headscarves and Hymens: Why the Middle East Needs a Sexual Revolution, New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2015.
18. Resvan Moghadam, Struggle for Equality from the Constitutional Revolution to Cyber Feminism with a Focus on the Role of New Media in the Women's Movement in Iran, Freie Universität Berlin in 2019.
19. Sedigheh Vasmaghi, Why I Rebelled against the Hijab, Aasoo Publishing, 2025.
20. Mehrdad Darvishopour, "Lessons from the Women, Life, Freedom Movement and the Importance of Feminizing Politics", Published in Didgah, April 20, 2024.

References:

Alinejad, M. (2018). The Wind in My Hair: My Fight for Freedom in Modern Iran. London: Virago.

Bahramitash, R., & Hooglund, E. (Eds.). (2011). Gender in Contemporary Iran: Pushing the Boundaries. New York: Routledge.

Darvishopour, M. (2024). "Lessons from the Women, Life, Freedom Movement and the Importance of Feminizing Politics". Didgah, April 20, 2024.

Doyle, A. W. (1830). Rights of Women (1829). The British Co-operator.

Eltahawy, M. (2015). Headscarves and Hymens: Why the Middle East Needs a Sexual Revolution. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Khorasani, N. A. (2010). Iranian Women's One Million Signatures Campaign for Equality: The Inside Story. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.

Mir-Hosseini, Z. (2006). "Muslim Women's Quest for Equality: Between Islamic Law and Feminism". Critical Inquiry, 32(4), 630-640.

Moghadam, R. (2019). Struggle for Equality from the Constitutional Revolution to Cyber Feminism with a Focus on the Role of New Media in the Women's Movement in Iran. Freie Universität Berlin.

Moghadam, V. (2004). "Women in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Legal Status, Social Positions, and Collective Action". Paper presented at the conference "Iran After 25 Years of Revolution: A Retrospective and a Look Ahead," Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars, November 16-17, 2004.

Paidar, P. (1995). Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Saberi, H. (2022). "Iranian Women in the Transition Period". Asre Nou, July 9, 2022.

Saberi, H. (2023). "Iran's Women Enduring 'Coercive Control' During COVID-19". Rahavard, A Persian Journal of Iranian Studies, 142, Spring 2023.

Saberi, H. (2023). "The (Hidden) Iranian Women in History". Rahavard, A Persian Journal of Iranian Studies, 143, Summer 2023.

Saberi, H. (2024). "The Pahlavi Dynasty and Secular Patriarchal System". Rahavard, A Persian Journal of Iranian Studies, 145, Winter 2024.

Sanasarian, E. (2005). The Women's Rights Movement in Iran: Uprising, Decline, and Suppression from 1901 to the 1979 Revolution (N. A. Khorasani, Trans.). Tehran: Akhtaran Publishing.

Sedghi, H. (n.d.). Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Shahrokni, N. (2020). Women in Place: The Politics of Gender Segregation in Iran. California: University of California Press.

Stark, E. (2007). Coercive Control: How Men Entrap Women in Personal Life. New York: Oxford University Press.

Vasmaghi, S. (2025). Why I Rebelled against the Hijab. Aasoo Publishing.