President of the Republic of Estonia at Yale University: being small, also great

Dear President,
Dear Principals,
Dear Students,
all the listeners in this magnificent hall,

As a member of Academia and a long-term student of Life, as a retired rector of the University of Tartu or Universitas Tartuensis, I am delighted to be here at Yale, at the University that not only I but the whole world is admiring.

Twenty-five Nobel Prize laureates; this speaks for itself. You have my deep respect.

Besides Aleksis Rannit, who was mentioned by the professor and who has written himself into the annals of this University, particularly this Library, and is the embodiment of Estonianness here, Yale has another small connection to Estonia. You might be surprised, but it is Louis Kahn, the architect who designed, among other monumental buildings, the Yale University Art Gallery and the Yale Center of British Art here in New
Haven and who worked at Yale after the Second World War.

Kahn was born in Estonia and spent the first five years of his life, before his family moved to America, on Saaremaa, the largest Estonian island.

Kahn himself has claimed that the inspiration to become an architect goes back to Kuressaare, the capital of Saaremaa, where a medieval stronghold, which haunted his mind for the rest of his life, stands on the seashore.
To be honest, anyone who has seen this Castle in Saaremaa and Kahn's most famous works will clearly understand this emotion and the connection.

Kahn played with light and heavy structures, with light turning heaviness into airiness.
This phenomenon is valid even today, where solid structures of democracy need more
room to breathe, need air to avoid suffocation, where there is a need to show people
what is right and what is wrong, to give them perspective on how to move on with their
life, how to find peace and balance in their existence.
Several times in history, Estonians have been in situations where things looked sour.
We are a Nation that has been living in the same place for more than 8000 years.

Coming from the North, we are accustomed to cool summers, where the sun sets for
just two or three hours, and cold winters with long, dark nights. Throughout our history,
we have been living under a foreign yoke.
Only in the last 100 years have we had, backed by the Wilsonian self-determination
clause, our own sovereign state.
And even those 100 years or so have brought four occupations to our territory, the
Soviet one being the longest, lasting almost 50 years. This is why independence, the
freedom to choose our own path and future, is so important to us.
There are just over a million Estonians living in the world. We are a Nation that has
always valued right over might. This statement may not seem correct because we have
won the most Olympic medals in wrestling, but it is backed by the fact that at the end of
the 19
th century, almost all Estonians, actually 93%, were literate.
One of the fathers of the Estonian awakening - Jakob Hurt - created motivation among
Estonians to be a nation with the slogan: if we cannot become great in numbers, then
we must become great in mind.
Through the last 100 years, we have tried to justify this slogan. Estonians are claimed to
be the most book-loving nation in Europe, maybe even in the world.
Some years ago, the journal Social Science Research published a study by the
Australian National University that claimed the biggest average number of books is in
Estonian homes. 218!
We are followed by fellow Nordic countries - Norway and Sweden - 212 and 210,
respectively. We really love reading. I took it up because in Estonia, we celebrate the
Fifth Centennial of the book in the Estonian language. This is evidence of our pursuit
towards literacy and knowledge through the centuries.
Ladies and Gentlemen
At the beginning of the 1990s, we used the window of opportunity and regained our
independence. Among other factors, the fact that the United States did not recognise
Estonia as a part of the Soviet Union and considered it as occupied territory played an
extremely important role. Knowing this gave us hope that one day we would be free
again.
And in 1991, free we became. The next 30 years have been sort of a miracle. From the
country whose defence budget was USD 3 million, whose GDP was about USD 3000
per capita, where occupation troops were still in the country, where state services were
characterised by typical Soviet disorder and ideological repression in 1992, we have, in

thirty years, grown into the Nation who will spend 5% of its GDP, approximately USD
2.2 billion, on its defence and whose GDP per capita is USD 41,500.
This country is now a member of NATO, and it has built up one of the best serving egovernments in the world. And those are only some facts for proof.
How come? Our castle on the island, our vision for the future, was based on strong
dedication to freedom and liberty, to democracy, market economy and the rule of law.
This dedication, backed by the integration process into the European Union and NATO,
facilitated the quick change. We could not stand of Soviet repression and the silencing
of society; we were not satisfied with the ordinary Soviet inefficiency and low
productivity.
We were ready for change, for reform, for a quest towards a better and stable life.
Democratic institutions were established, the division of powers enforced, civil and
human rights and the rule of law restored.
And on top of that, we got inspired by the internet and computing, which resulted in an
e-government, where all government services are available to citizens online.
This was only possible thanks to our respect for freedom and democracy, for the
freedom that was taken away from us for decades and the democracy that we dreamed
about while being occupied.
Today, Estonia ranks 2nd in the World Press Freedom Index,

2nd in the Freedom House World Internet Freedom Index,

8th in the World Economic Freedom Index,

16th in the Global Innovation Index, and

1st in the World Environmental Performance Index.

We place 22 nd in the Economist Democracy Index and so on and so on. Of course,
indexes can be presented in a cherry-picking way, but in combination, they still say
something, and we can say that we in Estonia have done something right. It is almost a
Paradise where we live.

Dear audience,
Life is not easy; there are always some surprises or unexpected cards to be drawn.
Geopolitics is back. Ideological strife and competition are forcefully visible. Autocrats
and Democrats around the world are crossing swords.
Dependence, migration, energy supply, food, and things beyond imagination are used
as weapons. It is becoming increasingly clear that instead of a castle on an island, we
need a stronghold.

Who could have believed 30 years ago that there would be a full-fledged war in Europe,
or that it would be fought by kin-nations - Russians and Ukrainians. This kinship is now
gone forever, has been replaced by hatred and anger, by violent death and human
suffering.
Russians have used the same modus operandi as they did in the 1940s in the Baltic
states, with the same brutality and carelessness. For Estonians, as for other Balts,
Latvians and Lithuanians, it was like a reminder of history. Russians had not changed,
no matter what was hoped or thought in the aftermath of the Cold War.
It is not only a struggle between two nations that has been unleashed by this
aggression. There is much more at stake. It is the present world order and its principles.
It is the Western value system that has inspired so many nations so far. It is our way of
life and worldview that might be scrambled.
Russia's big picture aim is to weaken the West and change the world in accordance with
its interests - a world where might triumphs over right, where freedoms are only for the
chosen ones, where the state always comes before the person. We cannot let it happen.
What could, or even should, be done to prevent it?
First, Russia must be pushed back. This requires ensuring that Ukraine is able to resist
Russia in the long term and sustainably, and by weakening Russia to the point where
war would no longer make sense.
This needs a long-term strategy, not only from Ukraine but also from the West. I think
we actually have it.
It stands on four pillars - isolation, sanctioning, making Russia accountable for the war
crimes and crimes against humanity, and last but not least, helping and supporting
Ukraine politically, financially and economically as long as they are willing to fight for
their liberty and freedom.
We, in the West, should simply be consistent and strategically patient in our response.
We cannot rule out that Russia will come to the peace table, but so far, it has been
nothing more than cheap talk.
One additional thing: Peace in Ukraine will not automatically mean that Russia has
changed, that Russia is eligible to be readmitted to the international framework from
which it has been excluded.
It is more certain that Russia will stay aggressive, retaliatory and stick to its goals of
weakening the West. To contain Russia, we should formulate a common strategy to keep Russia engaged in introspection within its borders. Their lust for others' land should be kept at bay.
The last few years have shown Europe that its military posture is not up to the task. We
have relied too much on our friends, especially on American troops and capabilities.
Most of us took out peace dividends when the Cold War ended.
Turbulent times need better preparedness and a stronger, more up-to-date military.
Achieving that requires many times more resources and a dramatic increase in the
capacity of the defence industry.
The NATO Summit in The Hague last spring witnessed important decisions in this
respect. Almost all the member states agreed to raise their defence budgets to 3.5%,
adding up to 1.5% to improve resilience.
Because of the tense security situation, but also because of the aggressive
neighbourhood, Estonia has already been spending 3.5% of its GDP on defence and will
reach the 5% target next year. The same goes for Latvia and Lithuania, the two other
Baltic states.
It is clear that Europe's boosted attention on defence and capabilities is justified and
should have appeared much earlier, but this should not be taken as the replacement of
American presence in Europe.
It is philosophically the wrong approach. Considering Russia as a threat only to Europe
is a dangerous simplification. Russia is a threat to the democratic world in its entirety,
not only to Europe or some bordering nations.
This is a principled confrontation where losing could inspire others who are looking for
opportunities to undermine and ridicule the democratic world. We are in this tense,
conflict-filled situation together. What is at stake for Europe is at stake for America.
Those are the ideals and principles written into the Declaration of Independence, the US
Constitution and the Bill of Rights that inspired the European people and guided the
development of democracy.
Our core is the same; if one crumbles, the other will follow. This ties us together, this
keeps us together, this is natural. Therefore, US presence, including military presence in
Europe, is not only symbolic but essential.
The application of threat is under transformation. It is not only military anymore; it is
more complex and complicated. Destabilising effects could be imposed on states and
people through very diverse and different means and domains.

Many things can be weaponised - targeted migration, manipulation of energy and food
supplies, rigging elections, bending truth and information, flying unidentified drones
around critical infrastructure, and constant and never-ending cyberattacks. This is a new
reality.
As single events, they do not look as dangerous, but if applied at the same time or in a
constant flow, the effect will be different, sowing instability and fear.
During the last few years, we have witnessed the intensification of so-called hybrid
events. In Estonia, the Russian shadow fleet has broken underwater cables and tubes a
number of times.
Our neighbours, the Finns, had to close their border with Russia to stop organised
migration from the other side. In Romania, the elections were rigged and the results
were therefore annulled. In Denmark, drones flown in from the blue disturbed the
operation of airports.
Those are only some examples. The result is hesitation - a society-wide uncertainty that
is not far from fear.
The answer to this is better awareness, new technology, more effective
countermeasures and a higher level of preparedness. We have to raise our resilience,
and this has to be done in a concerted way by the nations, as the effects very often
cross borders.
But the most essential countermeasure is a confident and aware society that
understands what is happening, knows how to react, and does not let itself become
unduly disturbed by it. A frugal and cohesive society can do this best.

Dear Academia, dear students,
The next technological revolution is here and present. Its speed is quicker than that of
the previous revolutions; it needs agile and focused action. Estonia is known to be
technologically savvy and open to new, promising ideas.
During the last technological leap, in times of digitalisation, we were the ones who
grabbed the moment and made the new opportunities work for our sake. We made the
computer and the internet our friend and accelerator. This coincided with the early 90s,
when Estonia became independent again, and quick changes and reforms were
needed.
At the core of that change was a programme calledTiger Leap. By its nature, it was an
educational programme with the aim of quickly gaining society-wide digital literacy.

In one year, all the schools in Estonia got a computer class, and programming and work
with computers became part of the curriculum in every school. Children from an early
age became accustomed to the computer and, instead of scrolling alone on the internet,
they were mentored at school about how to make the best use of it.
As a result of Tiger Leap, we have the widely recognised and admired e-State with its
more than 2000 services on the net, but also a vibrant and agile start-up ecosystem.
This ecosystem has given birth to 10 unicorns, which makes Estonia the country with
the most unicorns per capita in the world. A fact that speaks for itself.
Today, we are facing new technologies, such as nanocomputing, biotechnology and
artificial intelligence, which are coming on strong and affecting our lives. Our task is to
adjust ourselves to this wave and take everything positive from it, while also protecting
ourselves from the possible negative manifestations.
Estonia's focus is on AI. Our approach is almost the same as thirty years ago - start
with education. Learning to ride a bike is much easier and more effective at the age of
five than it is at the age of fifty.
As such, I launched a new programme calledAI Leap. In short, it means that all
secondary schools, every student and teacher, are provided with free access to AI tools
that have been deliberately modified for teaching and learning and designed by worldleading AI companies.
This is being done with the aim of bringing AI into the learning process in a streamlined
way so that users can create a common culture, a common ecosystem, around this
topic.
Our grand aim is to transform how young people learn, to ensure that they are equipped
for any kind of future that awaits them. Only in this way can we have control over the
machine, learn from it, and develop with it.
AI literacy must become a core part of lifelong learning. This is about empowering
citizens to shape how AI is used, to think critically, to act creatively, and to remain
curious. If we succeed, we will not fear AI as an enemy, but trust it as a partner - one
that helps us build a smarter, fairer, and more human-centred society.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
It has been a long speech. Now it is time to draw the line. Times are turbulent, but this is
not the first time we have been troubled by the present and worried about the times to
come. So far, we have always found the way out. Sometimes, the price has been too
high and devastating.

We have to be smarter so as not to let those scenarios evolve in this direction. I think it
is time to bring values, virtues and principles back to the fore, back into our political
conversations, be it at the national, regional or global level.
International law and justice, friendly relations among states, respect for the selfdetermination of people, promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
peaceful settlement of disputes, and the sovereign right to self-defence - all are much
too important to put aside.

Commonly agreed and jointly followed rules provide certainty and predictability in our
existence, reduce friction in international relations, create stability and reduce insecurity.
This setup should provide us, but also all nations, with the best environment and
conditions for development and prosperity, for the pursuit of happiness, as it was put by
Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence.

In New York City, on Roosevelt Island, directly across the East River from the United
Nations Headquarters, stands a monument designed by Louis Kahn. In fact, it is his last
work, built posthumously, his last castle on the island.

It is a monument to Franklin Delano Roosevelt, a man who played a significant role in
ending the greatest human bloodshed ever - World War II - and was one of the
architects of the current world order, even coining the term 'United Nations'.
As is typical of Kahn, the structure is somewhat heavy, but there is a lot of light around
in the air. This is the same light seen in Saaremaa, where the original castle on the
island lies.

Let us remind ourselves that this light, this airiness, that links two castles, also links two
nations and two continents. It is needed for us to get inspired and move forward
together.
Thank you!