06/25/2026 | Press release | Distributed by Public on 06/26/2026 07:22
Minister, if the United States and Iran actually sign a framework agreement now, what contribution will Germany make to conflict resolution?
We will provide constructive support to the negotiations which follow that signature. One subject in those talks will naturally be the existing sanctions. Lifting them will only be an option for us in Europe if it can be established that Iran has permanently relinquished the pursuit of nuclear weapons.
How have the countries of Europe been involved before now?
We are not one of the conflict parties, so our input has been marginal up to now. But we will make it clear that the overall resolution being sought is only possible with our involvement. Don't forget that key sanctions can be traced to our initiative. What is more, there's a lot of expertise, particularly in the E3 format - France, the UK and Germany - on the Iranian nuclear programme. We expect to be able to bring that to bear.
Germany has already signalled its intention to help with mine clearance in the Strait of Hormuz. What conditions need to be in place for that to happen?
To be very clear, we want to help. However, for us to do that, it also has to be clear that all hostilities have ended. All conflict parties need to be in agreement that the strait is to be freely navigable once more. We also need to be given a joint mandate to undertake mine clearance. When that has happened, we will be ready - assuming the Bundestag consents.
On what legal basis could a Bundeswehr mission of that kind take place?
A UN resolution, for example, can provide it with a basis in international law. Apart from that, at a fundamental level, it is permissible under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea to prevent acts which endanger the safety of navigation. But again, it has to be clear that neither Iran nor Oman is against the use of our ships in their territorial waters. We cannot and will not put our armed forces in unnecessary danger.
Are you already working on a bill for a Bundeswehr mandate?
Of course we are engaged in preparations. But that work can only be finalised in earnest once we know what the United States and Iran have actually agreed on Friday. After that, it may not be long at all before the government seeks the Bundestag's consent.
So in a few days?
Yes. The mandate is uncomplicated, the mission very clear. Technical implementation therefore won't take long either.
France's President Emmanuel Macron has said he could have military aircraft, frigates and aircraft carrier forces in position within a few days. Germany remains reticent. Is Berlin playing a somewhat secondary role in foreign affairs because our government is too cautious?
I don't know why aircraft carriers or fighter aircraft should even be needed now. The whole point is that hostilities are over. We have excellent diplomatic ties with the Gulf region, a special relationship with Israel, a very good relationship with the United States and at least a robust relationship with Iran. That is now more important than military assets. We want to resolve the conflict and restore freedom of navigation. For that to happen, mines need to be cleared. That is our role - as is diplomacy. Moreover, Germany differs from France at a constitutional level. The French President can personally decide to deploy troops. In Germany, with good reason, parliamentary consent is required.
How realistic is an end to the fighting on all fronts?
That is realistic when both sides have recognised that there can be no military solution, only a political one. Personally, I am also very glad that there are now direct talks between the Lebanese and Israeli governments. That's something that hasn't happened for 50 years, and we worked hard to help bring it about. As German Foreign Minister, I would particularly wish to concentrate on the resolution of that conflict.
Israel's government doesn't want to withdraw its troops from Lebanon. How do you hope to move things towards resolution?
It has to be clear that Hezbollah will launch no more attacks on Israel. Iran must see to that, as it has considerable influence there. Only once the attacks stop can Israel reduce its military presence. It is also clear that there can be no permanent presence of troops on Lebanese territory. Lebanon's sovereignty must, of course, be preserved.
Does the Israeli Government need to change its position?
The Israeli Government's position is right, in principle, when it says that it must ensure the country's self-defence. At the same time, it must respect the principle of proportionality when choosing its means of defence.
Trump's deal with Tehran has so far focused on Hormuz and the energy trade. The regime appears to be emerging from this stronger; the humanitarian situation remains appalling. Is business ultimately being prioritised over people?
One piece of good news for people throughout the region is that the capacities of Iran's missile programme have been greatly reduced. The fact that the negotiations are now seeking to ensure that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon is also in the interests of everyone's security - not least that of our friends in Israel. But it is true that this does not answer the question about an Iranian future of freedom and respect for human rights. That is a question which the Iranian people will rightly continue to direct to those in power in Tehran.
Is there currently a window for diplomacy in the Ukraine war as well?
We certainly believe that it's high time to start talking. That's why, together with France and the UK in the E3 format, we have joined the Ukrainian President in calling on Vladimir Putin with a fresh offer of talks. He needs to know both that we are rock-solid in our support of Ukraine and that we are also prepared to assist in peace talks. We in Europe should not let this summer slip by without investigating the serious chance of talks. The crucial thing is not to leave that question to the Americans long term. They have demonstrated an extremely changeable interest - and have not always taken European interests into account in the way that we feel is necessary.
How realistic is the deployment of German troops for peacekeeping in Ukraine?
The last four years and more of war have shown one thing clearly, namely that the brave servicemen and -women of Ukraine can defend their homeland very well themselves. When we talk about security guarantees, we are talking about giving those forces the best possible support at a possible future stage. But that's still looking far ahead. All conceivable peacekeeping measures are contingent on Moscow finally sending some sign of readiness to negotiate.
Federal Foreign Chancellor Friedrich Merz is very active on matters concerning Ukraine. Is he doing your job for you?
Russia's war against Ukraine is the number one security challenge for the entire federal government. I do that job at my level, the Federal Chancellor does it at his. I support him in that one hundred percent.
How reliable is our partner in NATO the United States, if Washington is simultaneously withdrawing military capabilities from Europe?
The United States has always said that it would reduce its troops in Europe and would have to concentrate more on, for example, Asia. That is the very reason why we decided to spend 5% of our GDP on defence. And the capabilities we acquire with that money in Europe will be needed now. The associated emancipation of Europe was overdue. We want Germany to lead the way on this.
We are currently in Bonn, where you are visiting the UN campus. Germany suffered a defeat in the elections to the Security Council. What do you say to the calls to cut funding?
We should stay involved at the United Nations. We need it as the forum for discussing the conflicts of this world and negotiating their resolution, and as a source of international rules and standards. After all, it forms the coordinate system within which our country became the third-largest economy in the world. We should not, by withdrawing, allow others to redraw that coordinate system to our disadvantage. That being said, of course the Bundestag will take a closer look at particular commitments in the budget. It is not on that we should be one of the largest contributors and not be taken into consideration in certain decisions, including on matters of personnel.
So you want to have your voice heard, given that you do put so much money into the UN?
Yes, we want our voice heard. Germany has interests. And Germany also wants to be respected. That's not a demand for dominance. But the United Nations can certainly expect us to stake out our position a little more clearly in future.
A lot of Germany's humanitarian aid goes through the UN. How will the cuts to the federal budget affect it?
Take a look around at the world. The need rather to reinforce our humanitarian engagement going forward leaps out from every other news item. I will talk about that again in cabinet, and then with the parliament. It's also in our own interests. Everybody knows that the major wave of refugees in 2015 was essentially caused by humanitarian reasons. And we should not let things come to that again.