Address by Gitanas NausÄ—da, President of the Republic of Lithuania, at the meeting with foreign ambassadors

Your Excellencies Ambassadors,

I am always happy to see so many of you right after the Day of the Restoration of the State of Lithuania. I appreciate this opportunity to exchange our views on important topics.

Last year, Lithuania commemorated the 150th anniversary of our painter and composer Mikalojus Konstantinas Čiurlionis. Many of you had the opportunity to get acquainted with his works in your countries. A vast program representing his heritage was held around the world.

Meanwhile, Lithuania has witnessed another year of growth.

The economy is growing at 3 percent of GDP - one of the highest rates among EU member states. This, first and foremost, is an impressive achievement of our business community, which skillfully uses national advantages and adapts to adverse external factors.

Lithuania's manufacturing has significantly expanded with the opening of several new electronics factories by our high-tech flagship Teltonika. We are proud of our life sciences, fintech, and laser industry. Lithuania's startup ecosystem continues to grow, reaching about 16.4 billion euros and exceeding regional performance.

One of our national priorities is strengthening the defence industry. The construction of the Rheinmetall ammunition plant has already started, with new projects under way.

Our high-tech dual-use flagship Brolis Semiconductors has reached new supply agreements with the Danish and Belgian armed forces, thereby contributing to the European Union's defence capabilities.

Lithuania is not only reinforcing security. We are building the industrial and technological foundation for long-term resilience.

As you all know, Lithuania's defence budget is over 5 percent of GDP. These funds are needed to modernize our armed forces, build a national division, and expand existing military infrastructure.

Lithuania sends a clear message: security is an investment, and collective defence begins with national responsibility.

At the same time, we highly value the continuous military presence of the United States, Germany, and other Allies in Lithuania, and we will continue to provide the best host nation support. With the new Rūdninkai military site under construction, we will be ready to accommodate the full German brigade in 2027.

The presence of our allies on Lithuanian soil is a powerful deterrent against Russia and a clear demonstration of allied unity and resolve to defend every inch of NATO's territory.

For Lithuania, as for the other Eastern Flank countries, deterrence is not an abstract concept. It is a daily necessity, directly linked to the credibility of Article 5 and the security of the entire Alliance.

We do not have to look far for daily reminders about the dangers threatening Europe and the whole global community of democratic states.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are entering the fifth year since the beginning of Russia's full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine.

Ignoring all attempts to secure peace, led by the President of the United States, Russia persists in brutally attacking Ukrainian cities and attempting to occupy new territories. It deliberately targets and destroys Ukraine's civilian and energy infrastructure, including nuclear facilities, and seeks to weaponize the winter cold.

The future of Europe's security is now being decided in Ukraine. The outcome of this war will determine the Europe we live in. We must ensure that Ukraine negotiates from a position of strength and that the peace deal is first and foremost acceptable to Ukraine. Supporting Ukraine remains a top priority for Europe.

Lithuania seeks to provide Ukraine with all the necessary assistance. We are meeting our commitment to deliver 0.25 percent of GDP in annual military assistance to Ukraine. Last year we exceeded it with 232 million EUR in support, and we also allocated 30 million USD to PURL. An additional 30 million EUR was transferred to the Patriot air defence initiative. Naturally, we strongly support the provisions of the Paris Declaration of the Coalition of the Willing, which state that military assistance to Ukraine must continue in the long term.

There are also clear incentives to invest more in Ukraine's defence industry. Ukraine has enormous potential to produce arms locally, fast and cheap. It could be unlocked with our timely contribution, including through the EU SAFE loan.

Right now, Russia is rapidly applying lessons learned in the war against Ukraine at the operational and doctrinal levels. China, Iran, and North Korea are also preparing for new forms of warfare, with Iranian drones and North Korean missiles undergoing rapid improvements. NATO must urgently learn from Ukraine's experience. Otherwise, our future costs will be much higher.

Diplomatic support will also be of crucial importance. Ukraine needs help to withstand the pressure to accept territorial concessions. We must firmly and proactively reaffirm our policy of non-recognition of Russia's occupation, both de jure and de facto.

Russia's containment is a long-term challenge that will not go away even in the case of a ceasefire agreement. Sanctions, isolation, and political pressure should remain until full withdrawal, reparations, and accountability are achieved. We should all watch closely so that Russia changes its ways and stops using military force for unprovoked aggression.

The good news is that sanctions are working. Russia's revenues from oil and gas fell by 24 percent, reaching their lowest level since 2020, while inflation remains high.

Yet our job is far from finished. Russia plans to allocate around 40 percent of its state budget to war. This is what a war economy, deliberately structured to sustain further military operations, looks like. Only persistent and effectively enforced economic pressure can bring such a country to the negotiating table.

Lithuania remains steadfast in its call for maintaining and intensifying the pressure on Russia and its enablers. We need a strong EU 20th sanctions package that would target the most sensitive sectors of the Russian economy - finance and energy, close all remaining loopholes, and effectively counter the circumvention of sanctions.

Sanctions are only as strong as their implementation. The whole international community should stand together on the side of justice and international rules-based order, cutting the flow of money for Russia's war.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Last year, there was a notable upsurge in Russian hybrid activities across NATO and EU member states. The Baltic and Nordic countries were targeted particularly often.

Russian fighter jets violated Estonian airspace, and drones flew over key sites in Belgium, Poland, Romania, Denmark, Norway, Finland, Lithuania, and Germany. Critical undersea infrastructure was damaged in the Baltic region. Airports and logistics hubs were crippled by cyberattacks, and elections in European countries were targeted by influence operations.

This is a coordinated and escalating effort. The active role of Russia's intelligence services in many sabotage and terrorist activities has been laid bare by recent criminal investigations. The Lithuanian court sentenced a member of an organized terrorist group who, acting under instructions of Russia's military intelligence, set fire to an IKEA store in Vilnius.

Russia's proxy Belarus is also a willing participant in hostile hybrid activities. The airspace of Lithuania has been repeatedly targeted by smuggler balloons and drones flying from Belarus. Active cooperation between Belarusian authorities and criminal organizations has led to significant security risks for air traffic, and costly disruptions at the Vilnius and Kaunas airports.

Throughout 2025, Lithuanian authorities intercepted a total of 635 smuggler balloons. This represents a nearly threefold increase from the previous year, indicating a significant shift in the scale of these operations.

Such incidents, as well as continuous attempts by Belarus to encourage and instrumentalize illegal migration, fit the general logic of hybrid tactics aimed at destabilizing and undermining national security.

It is imperative for us to respond with resolve, precision, and unity. State-sponsored terrorism should not be tolerated. NATO Allies must treat these provocations with utmost seriousness and adopt an increasingly proactive approach.

As long as Belarus continues to serve as a military and logistical platform for Russia, enabling its aggression against Ukraine and exerting hybrid pressure on neighbouring NATO Allies, it must be subject to strict sanctions. It is essential to maintain and strengthen the military, technological, and economic restrictions imposed on the ruling regime.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We are well past the time when Europe might have looked like a perfect example of the "end of history" thesis.

History has returned, and with terrifying consequences. Not only was the Western liberal democracy halted in the middle of its triumph - it is now increasingly under attack from the emerging autocratic forces. And it is precisely in Europe that the need to reinvent itself and to rethink its security is the most pressing.

I am a strong believer that Europe must take on more responsibility for its own defence.

That is why Lithuania eagerly supports numerous recent European initiatives aimed at bolstering defence readiness. We welcome all of them as a sign that security and defence have become a strategic priority for the European Union.

At the same time, talks of NATO "Europeanisation" give rise to concern. Even though it is true that the European countries must spend more on defence, develop their defence industry, and ensure military mobility, it would be dangerous to imagine that Europe could replace NATO any time soon.

Discussions about creating European command and control structures or establishing defence headquarters are entirely unnecessary. Talks of a European army are counterproductive.

In the current volatile geopolitical environment, the transatlantic bond is of existential importance. It stands at the cornerstone of Europe's security and defence. And in this regard, a close partnership with the United States remains Lithuania's clear strategic priority.

One of the sectors, besides the military security, where the transatlantic ties have the most potential is energy.

Lithuania strongly supports regional and transatlantic cooperation on diversified gas supplies. Commercial LNG cargoes from the United States delivered via the regional LNG terminal in Klaipėda serve the needs of 5 countries. They have also enabled onward gas flows to Ukraine. This is a prime example of how market-based solutions and regional infrastructure reinforce energy security across national borders.

On the other hand, our success generates incentives for our adversaries to add new targets to their lists for hybrid attacks. In light of the recurring undersea cable damage incidents in the Baltic Sea, maritime and energy security must be reinforced, leveraging NATO security frameworks. Lithuania is also interested in closer partnerships within the North Sea region aimed at protecting critical infrastructure.

On February 9th, we celebrated the first anniversary of Lithuania's full energy independence. On that day a year ago the three Baltic countries - Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia - synchronised their electricity systems with continental Europe. It is a truly historic achievement.

Our experience shows that Russia will always use energy for its geopolitical aims. Therefore, we fully support the legal initiative for Europe to become independent from Russian oil and gas by 2027.

Lithuania, after having diversified oil and gas supplies, fully integrated into the EU energy market, and severed the last energy ties with Russia, has never looked back. We are aiming to further strengthen our energy system by constructing the electricity interconnector Harmony Link project together with Poland and by rapidly developing renewable energy generation.

Domestic electricity demand will be secured by 2028. Small modular nuclear reactors are also part of our discussions regarding future energy needs.

At the same time, Lithuania invests heavily in transport connections to the European rail and road networks. Last year, a cross-border Via Baltica motorway stretch was modernized, and now we are looking forward to upgrades with Latvia and Estonia. Rail Baltica, another strategic trans-European project, is also under implementation. This project, connecting the Baltic countries to the rest of Europe, must be safeguarded in the next EU budget, using the Connecting Europe Facility.

The recently announced European Military Mobility Package will also play a crucial role in ensuring that military forces, equipment, and supplies move more quickly and efficiently across the European Union. We must prepare our civil transport infrastructure for dual usage by upgrading strategic roads, railways, bridges, and other potential bottlenecks at airfields and ports.

Another national priority is economic diplomacy. In 2026, we will aim to strengthen Lithuania's long-term economic power, maintaining a focus on high value-added sectors, with particular emphasis on the defence industry, and further deepening and expanding partnerships worldwide.

We stand at a pivotal juncture where the strength of a nation is measured not only by its economic resilience, but also by the depth of its intellectual and cultural reach. Recognizing this, Lithuania seeks to become a high-tech hub with strategic investments in science, R&D, and biotechnology.

Our country is ready and open to cooperate. We invite other nations to engage in a dialogue that would turn our laboratories into platforms for collective progress.

Lithuania views academic and cultural diplomacy as essential tools for turning shared knowledge into lasting security and mutual prosperity. In 2027, Lithuania's Year in Germany will showcase the many riches of our culture, science, and business. Our earlier similar programs, such as Lithuania's Season in France in 2024, and the current cultural program in Italy, were great success stories.

In recent years, Lithuania has significantly strengthened its engagement in the Indo-Pacific region, recognizing its direct impact on our security, economic resilience, and the rules-based international order. A key achievement for us is the strategic partnership with Japan, deepening cooperation on security, technology, and shared democratic values.

Lithuania has also expanded cooperation with other Asian partners across the region, such as South Korea, Vietnam and Singapore. This year, we will join the ASEAN Treaty on Amity and Cooperation.

At the same time, Lithuania remains open to dialogue to restore reciprocal diplomatic representation with China. This requires genuine willingness from both sides. We respect our international commitments, including the Vienna Convention and the One China Policy; therefore, our values and security interests should be respected as well.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The upcoming Lithuanian Presidency of the Council of the European Union will provide us with an opportunity to contribute to making Europe a strong geopolitical player.

The European Union must remain a credible, resilient and influential global actor, capable of defending its interests and values. A constant flow of innovative ideas and forward-looking solutions must also create the necessary conditions for our long-term prosperity.

This progressive attitude must be rooted in a strong foundation. One of the priorities of our Presidency will be strengthening the shared European memory, which is necessary for better understanding and successful cooperation. Lithuania consistently calls for properly evaluating the dark legacy of totalitarianism, in all its forms, and for building a memorial for the victims of totalitarian regimes in Brussels.

Lithuania is also a staunch supporter of the enlargement of the European Union. We know from our own experience that it has been - and still is - the most powerful framework for modernization, stability, and political, economic, and social reforms. By staying open and assisting potential new members, the European Union makes a long-term investment in peace, security, and prosperity in its neighbourhood.

This is of utmost importance today, when we witness the ongoing full-scale aggression by Russia against Ukraine.

Ukraine's, as well as Moldova's, accession to the European Union by 2030 at the latest should be a strategic goal. With strong commitment on both sides, I am sure we can make it happen!

Lithuania also supports the accession of other frontrunners, Montenegro and Albania, which would also bring more stability and prosperity to the Western Balkans.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In everything that we do here in Lithuania, resilience is a central concept. It underpins all our hopes for peace, security, and prosperity. We are strengthening our infrastructure, investing in the future economy, and working to become immune to any disruptions caused by the external powers.

We understand that our national success is strongly tied to the success of Europe, the transatlantic community, and the entire democratic community. And we are eager to contribute to the peace, stability, and prosperity all around the globe.

Today, I extend a call for friendship, partnership, and cooperation to every country willing to accept this offer on equal, reciprocal, and fair terms. Let us build a better world together!